Russia: Migrants deported from Khanty-Mansi region over HIV and syphilis diagnoses

Translated with Deepl.com – Scroll down for original article in Russian

Syphilis and HIV among migrants have led to their deportation from the Khanty-Mansi Autonomous Region

The Federal Service for the Oversight of Consumer Protection and Welfare (Rospotrebnadzor) has issued 69 decisions declaring the presence of foreign nationals in the Khanty-Mansi Autonomous Region undesirable. A third of the deportations are linked to HIV, whilst the remainder relate to sexually transmitted diseases and other serious infections. The data is presented in a report by Maya Solovyova, head of the regional office of the Service, at a meeting of the district council.

“69 decisions have been made regarding the undesirability of stay, which is 3.4 times more than in 2024,” the presentation accompanying the report states. The slide also contains information that 65 migrants were found to have dangerous diseases.

33.8% were diagnosed with HIV, and 66% with syphilis. No cases of tuberculosis were recorded.

Migrants will now be vaccinated more actively against measles and meningococcal disease, and will also be screened for parasitic infections. From March 2026, the mandatory medical examination will include testing for hepatitis B and C, in addition to the existing checks for syphilis, HIV, tuberculosis, leprosy and drugs.

Сифилис и ВИЧ у мигрантов стали причинами их депортации из ХМАО

Роспотребнадзор принял 69 решений о нежелательности пребывания иностранцев в ХМАО. Треть депортаций связана с ВИЧ, остальные — с заболеваниями, передающимися половым путем, и другими неприятными инфекциями. Данные приведены в докладе главы регионального управления Службы Майи Соловьевой на заседании окружной думы.

«Принято 69 решений о нежелательности пребывания, что больше 2024 года в 3,4 раза», — указано в презентации к докладу. Также на слайде содержится информация о том, что у 65 мигрантов были выявлены опасные заболевания.

У 33,8% диагностирован ВИЧ, у 66% — сифилис. Случаев туберкулеза не зарегистрировано.

Сейчас мигрантов будут активнее прививать от кори и менингококка, а также проверять на паразитарные инфекции. С марта 2026 года обязательный медосмотр включает тестирование на гепатиты В и С, помимо уже существующих проверок на сифилис, ВИЧ, туберкулез, лепру и наркотики.

Latin America: Access to HIV Care for migrants hindered by exclusionary policies

Migration and HIV: challenges to overcome barriers

Economic and political setbacks hinder access to public health services for the HIV-positive migrant population. .

“In many countries, access to HIV prevention and treatment services for trans women is impossible due to their immigration status, and this widens the health gap ” Latin American and Caribbean Network of Trans Women , speaking on the UNAIDS podcast Latin American Dialogues: Intersectionality in the HIV Response.”The network is an organization dedicated to defending the human rights of trans women, sex workers, and trans people in situations of human mobility and migration in Latin America and the Caribbean.

What Vidal says is a summary of the times. According to the UNAIDS program, it is estimated that between 30,000 and 40,000 people in transit in the region are living with HIV. The unprecedented social and economic crisis on the continent has generated the largest flow of refugees and migrants in history. In addition to their immigration status, they face high levels of stigma, xenophobia, and racism, and limited access to healthcare.

“We’ve had to receive colleagues who come with a diagnosis, a month of antiretroviral treatment, and when it ends, we practically have to force the health authorities to support us,” Vidal continues. “And what often happens is that because they don’t have identification, they can’t access treatment so easily. Sometimes adherence is lost because we’re talking about a month, a month and a half of waiting for treatment.”.

What’s missing

Bureaucracy, especially the requirement of identity documents in the health systems of host countries, acts as a tool of exclusion that prevents access to antiretroviral therapies and viral suppression controls.

The activists consulted for this article agree: the impact of HIV on people on the move is often exacerbated by institutional mistreatment, abandonment by families, and lack of support during transit, weakening their health . But they warn, “the response to HIV is weak for the entire population. It is not exclusive to the migrant population .

Deaths from advanced infection continue to be recorded in the region, where health systems are already strained. Barriers to accessing comprehensive and sustainable care exist. There is a lack of prevention models and medication shortages. All of this contributes to the virus not being detected in time.

Setbacks in the region

Countries like Costa Rica and Argentina, which historically led the LGBT+ rights agenda, are showing signs of regression in public policy. In Costa Rica, the withdrawal of the OAS LGBT working group and the halting of sexuality protocols in schools demonstrate this setback. Despite the existence of protective laws, their lack of regulation and a climate of discrimination persist. For example, a gender identity law is still lacking, and the restrictions faced by people with HIV, despite existing laws, do not fully protect them .

In Argentina, the National Front Against HIV, Hepatitis, and Tuberculosis reported a 76% reduction in funding allocated to HIV, hepatitis, tuberculosis, and STIs. The national government transferred the responsibility for purchasing antiretroviral drugs to the provinces without providing the necessary resources or logistical support, leading to medication shortages.

“The Milei government has cut the health budget specifically for everything related to HIV prevention and treatment. There are zero prevention campaigns and zero treatment campaigns. And shortages have begun. Before, the national government provided the medication to the different districts; now, the provision has become the responsibility of each district. Sometimes, districts find that these medications weren’t included in their budget allocations or that they lack the logistical capacity to purchase them; so they run out,” explains Mariano Ruiz, executive director of Human Rights and Diversity .

She adds: “The refugees we receive are mostly Russians or people from countries that were part of the Soviet bloc. The main reason they come to us is because they ran out of HIV medication . We help them by providing guidance before they arrive in the country because they are planning their departure from Russia, where life there is unsustainable. We ask them to find out their HIV status and to start treatment if they are positive. For these refugees, the biggest challenge in accessing healthcare is the language barrier,” she explains.

Barriers to access to health

The dismantling of public systems affects the migrant population. 27% of those seeking treatment arrive in an advanced stage of HIV . Furthermore, those in an irregular situation are 70% less likely to achieve viral suppression, according to UNAIDS data

In Mexico, the transition to the IMSS-Bienestar model (a program to provide free medical care to people without social security) has created administrative barriers that violate the right to life of both migrants and internally displaced persons. The requirement of the CURP (a national identification document) is the main obstacle to accessing medications at CAPASITS (Outpatient Centers for the Prevention and Care of AIDS and Sexually Transmitted Infections, which are free, specialized health units in Mexico).

Brigitte Baltazar Lujano, coordinator of the LGBTQ+ community program at the organization Al Otro Lado in Tijuana, points out the seriousness of these omissions.

“It’s not only the external migrant population that is suffering these devastating effects. The involuntary migrant community, internally displaced persons, are also affected. Recently, there have been many changes in how the government handles health issues. It is more difficult for internally displaced persons to access their HIV medication. For people from other countries, it is twice as difficult to access these medications. This represents a very serious lack of attention from our country in this sector. The right to access medication or any other type of medical care that any human being may have is being violated.”

PrEP is not guaranteed for migrant populations

Pre-exposure prophylaxis (PrEP) is a vital prevention tool for migrant populations. However, access to PrEP and emergency post-exposure prophylaxis (PEP) is limited by bureaucratic barriers and discrimination.

In Tijuana, access for migrants is practically nonexistent because the medication is strictly controlled by the Ambulatory Centers for the Prevention and Care of AIDS and Sexually Transmitted Infections (CAPASITS), and identification is required to obtain it, explains Brigitte Baltazar. This same requirement for identification exists in Costa Rica.

“If a migrant arrives after being sexually abused, the health system’s response is usually, ‘Wait three months, get tested, and if you test positive, then we’ll start antiretroviral medication.’ This adds to all the bureaucracy involved in starting treatment. In other words, there is no emergency PEP available for undocumented people, and that leaves them at absolute risk ,” Brigitte explains.

In Argentina, the situation is similar for both asylum seekers and Argentinians seeking emergency medication. “The main obstacle for asylum seekers is the language barrier. Then there are all the same challenges faced by Argentinians: the lack of medication, and sometimes refusal from healthcare staff who are trying to conserve resources. It’s left to the doctor’s discretion whether they consider the person seeking it to have risky behaviors, even though, according to legislation, PrEP is a prevention strategy available only at the person’s request,” explains Mariano Ruiz.

Lack of funding and anti-immigrant policies

The region is also facing cuts in international cooperation. The withdrawal of funding from USAID , the Global Fund, and the closure of UNAIDS offices have left civil society organizations working on HIV, migration, LGBT+ rights, and other issues in a precarious situation.

“I find it so irresponsible and also very perverse that these cuts are eliminating programs when we know they did produce results and did save lives. This continues to be alarming and worrying,” says Dennis Castillo, executive director of the Institute on LGBT Migration and Refugees for Central America (IRCA Casabierta), an organization based in San José, Costa Rica.

Adding to the financial hardship are anti-immigrant rhetoric and policies. Mario Campos explains that migrants living with HIV in the United States fear deportation when seeking healthcare, and that is reason enough not to seek medical attention.

In everyday life, the stigma also manifests itself in the mistreatment by administrative and security staff in hospitals, even before they receive care. “From the moment migrants arrive at the hospital, it’s the security guard who asks which department they’re going to or their medical condition. People already feel uncomfortable and vulnerable. Once, someone told me that the guard said, ‘That’s why you have to be careful, that’s why you shouldn’t be having reckless sex.’ The stigma and discrimination that migrants suffer is serious, but if you add living with HIV, it’s extremely serious ,” says Brigitte Baltazar from Tijuana.

The community response in Mexico, Costa Rica, Argentina and the United States

Faced with the abandonment by States, grassroots organizations and independent activists have assumed the responsibility of guaranteeing services that governments omit, such as prevention campaigns, screening tests and the supply of medication.

In Mexico, the organization Al Otro Lado combats the exclusion caused by the CURP requirement by providing legal support and a physical presence in hospitals to ensure that migrants and internally displaced persons living with HIV can access services and are not discriminated against. They also manage online registrations, provide transportation, and have established partnerships with the AHF Healthcare Foundationto obtain emergency doses of medication when the government denies them.

“The Mexican State must provide what is rightfully theirs, which is access to healthcare for all people. It is a historical debt that the government owes to the migrant population to receive them and provide them with the services they are legally entitled to,” Brigitte Baltazar reiterates.

In Costa Rica, IRCA Casabierta offers a comprehensive approach that includes legal and psychological assistance, a food bank, and a computer lab for the digital regularization of migrants. Faced with cuts in international funding, the organization manages state resources to purchase preventative supplies that the health system does not provide to uninsured individuals. Dennis Castillo, executive director of IRCA Casabierta, denounces the Costa Rican government for abandoning prevention efforts, delegating this task to civil society.

In Argentina, the organization Human Rights and Diversity runs an integration center for LGBTQ+ refugees, most of whom come from Russia, Belarus, and Georgia. Due to a lack of government support to overcome administrative and language barriers, they use “social interpreters”—former beneficiaries who speak the language—to accompany patients to their medical appointments.

Activist Mario Campos connects people on the move with free clinics in Mexico, the United States, Canada, and Spain. His work focuses on combating the knowledge gap caused by the lack of comprehensive sex education, especially among migrants from Central American countries, primarily Guatemala, El Salvador, and Honduras. Mario believes that misinformation and the lack of comprehensive sex education are critical barriers that increase the vulnerability of people living with HIV.

Philippines challenges Oman’s HIV test requirement for Filipino travellers

DFA, Omani Embassy to meet on mandatory HIV test for Filipino travelers

MANILA — The Department of Foreign Affairs and the Omani Embassy in Manila are meeting next week on a requirement for all Filipino travelers to the sultanate to present negative HIV tests.

The DFA on Friday said it has “made strong representations” to the embassy for the removal of the policy, which is being implemented without official notice to the Philippines.

It also said that the Sultanate of Oman is “seriously” reviewing the requirement.

The DFA said the embassy had clarified that the HIV certificate “applies only to tourists availing of the visa-free entry to Oman, and not to those who were issued work visas.”

Filipino tourists bound for Oman who had applied for and were granted visas have also been required at airline check-in to submit HIV certificates before being allowed to board their flights.

The Philippine Embassy in Muscat, Oman’s capital, said earlier in the week that it had received reports of the new requirement and of Filipino passengers not being allowed to board their flights.

The embassy also said Omani authorities had not sent official notice of the new policy.

“The DFA expects a positive outcome given the good and strong relationship between the Philippines and Oman,” the department said Friday.

Senegal: Senegal’s crackdown on the LGBT+ community puts French asylum policy under pressure

Senegal: Anti-homosexuality law disrupts asylum procedures in France and influences in the Sahel region

Translated with Deepl. Scroll down for the original article in French.

Five to ten years in prison for consensual relations between adults. A few days after the law was enacted, a Senegalese asylum seeker was turned back at the French border. At least 52 arrests since February have already been reported. Fear is taking hold, departures are accelerating, and Paris finds itself facing an explosive political test.Senegal: First Conviction Under the Tougher Anti-Homosexuality Law, Growing Concerns »>Senegal: a legal crackdown with immediate effects

Adopted on 11 March 2026 by 135 out of 165 MPs, enacted on 30 March and published in the Official Gazette on 31 March 2026, the new Senegalese law doubles the penalties for same-sex relations (from five to ten years’ imprisonment) and increases fines (from two to ten million CFA francs). For the first time, it also criminalises the “promotion, support or financing” of homosexuality, bisexuality and transsexuality, making these offences punishable by three to seven years’ imprisonment and fines ranging from 500,000 to five million CFA francs.

In the official version, the text responds to a call for firmness and social cohesion. But on the ground, according to civil society sources, the trend is clear: a rise in homophobia and a wave of arrests. Since early February 2026, at least 52 people have been arrested on charges of ‘unnatural acts’ or ‘wilful transmission of HIV’. The UN, through Volker Türk, has expressed its “deep concern”, whilst Human Rights Watch has condemned this as a violation of fundamental rights. Health organisations such as AIDES are warning of a major health risk, fearing a setback for HIV prevention and testing.

France and asylum: between promised protection and procedural filters

France has long recognised persecution based on sexual orientation as grounds for asylum. As early as 2021, the Council of State had removed Senegal from the list of “safe countries”, opening the way for Senegalese nationals to undergo the standard, non-accelerated procedure. Individual stories illustrate the urgency. Assane, in his thirties, left Senegal around September 2025 following threats from his family and social rejection. He applied for asylum in France, a symbol of the quest for safety shared by many exiles, according to organisations such as STOP Homophobie, which report a rise in applications.

But protection is not automatic. In September 2025, the Toulouse Administrative Court of Appeal upheld a rejection, deeming the evidence insufficient. On 31 March 2026, at the border, the asylum application of another Senegalese man, Moussa, was refused by the Ministry of the Interior. He was returned to Istanbul on 7 April. ANAFE is critical: fears deemed “insufficiently substantiated”, questions “inappropriate and intrusive”. At the heart of the French system, a difficulty persists: how to assess personal accounts, often lacking material evidence, when the fear of being “outed” in the country of origin is precisely the main risk?

What is really at stake: rights, sovereignty and influence in the Sahel

Beyond the purely legal issue, this law has become a political marker. According to observers, it forms part of a broader movement in which cultural sovereignty and control over the social agenda are being asserted in the face of external pressures. The UN, international NGOs and health actors are challenging this on the grounds of human rights and public health. Paris faces a delicate dilemma: upholding its asylum doctrine or tightening its borders in line with national political priorities.

The regional dimension is unavoidable. In the Sahel, the competition for influence is intensifying. Debates on sovereignty – amplified by the emergence of the Alliance of Sahel States (AES) – are reshaping relations with Western partners. According to recent analyses, the United States is adopting a more pragmatic approach towards the AES to revive security and economic exchanges. In this context, every domestic decision – whether concerning security or society – becomes a signal sent to both allies and critics. Where does the balance lie between national assertiveness and respect for international human rights commitments?

Direct human impact: hidden lives, heightened risks

In practical terms, fear is shifting sides: on one side, Senegalese LGBTQ+ people who are altering their daily lives – hasty moves, increased silence, severed family ties – to survive; on the other, healthcare workers and community activists who fear their actions will be equated with ‘promotion’. Under these circumstances, some people avoid healthcare facilities, delay HIV testing and expose themselves to complications. In France, the legal uncertainty faced by asylum seekers – delays, evidence requirements, interviews – prolongs their anxiety and material insecurity. How far will France go to reconcile humanity with migration control?

Clear answers to five key questions

Why is this important? Because a national law has immediate cross-border effects: exile, pressure on asylum systems, diplomatic tensions, and health risks highlighted by AIDES.

Who benefits? Political actors who champion a stance of cultural sovereignty, according to observers, and those who advocate strict migration control on this side of the Mediterranean.

Who suffers? Firstly, LGBTQ+ people targeted by penalties and social stigma; secondly, health organisations, which may be hindered; and finally, asylum services that are already overwhelmed.

Hidden consequences? A retreat in healthcare provision, more selective visa diplomacy and increased polarisation of opinion between universal rights and cultural norms.

Why now? The regional political landscape places sovereignty at the centre. The law, passed and enacted between February and March 2026, comes at a time when the balance of power in the Sahel is shifting and partners are readjusting their positions

Strategic dimension: Paris, Dakar and the power play

For Paris, every deportation or asylum grant becomes a message sent to French and West African public opinion. According to diplomatic sources, France must walk a tightrope: avoiding appearing to dictate standards whilst upholding its international commitments. For Dakar, the law embodies a choice in favour of public order and cohesion, accepted as such by its supporters, and which forms part of a discourse on sovereignty currently sweeping across the Sahel region.

At the regional level, the shift in the US stance towards the AES – described by analysts as a blend of security and economic pragmatism – confirms that the Sahel is a theatre of adjustments, not certainties. The Senegalese episode is not an isolated case: it reveals how domestic policies now influence human flows, aid, cooperation and perceptions of influence. For Mali and its neighbours, the challenge is twofold: to preserve sovereignty without triggering spirals of isolation, and to keep open channels of cooperation that are vital for security and public health.

What may follow: three scenarios

Scenario 1 – Procedural: France refines its criteria for asylum evidence, without denying protection, to manage a potential influx. Effect: a stricter but clear legal framework.

Scenario 2 – Diplomatic: a discreet dialogue takes place between Paris and Dakar, with mediation by multilateral actors, to prevent adverse health effects whilst respecting sovereign choices.

Scenario 3 – Societal: civil society adapts its community health practices to remain within the legal framework, at the risk of a decline in attendance at HIV services.

Conclusion: a fault line that transcends borders

This law is not merely found in a criminal code; it is found in lives lived in shades of grey, in airport waiting rooms, in border control offices. Between claimed sovereignty, asserted rights and human realities, the Sahel stands as a field of precarious balances. The question is no longer who is right in theory, but who will, in practice, bear the human cost of their choices.

But ultimately, one question remains: who really benefits from this situation?

Cinq à dix ans de prison pour des relations consenties entre adultes. Quelques jours après la promulgation de la loi, un demandeur sénégalais est refoulé à la frontière française. Au moins 52 arrestations depuis février sont déjà rapportées. La peur s’installe, les départs s’accélèrent, et Paris se retrouve face à un test politique explosif.

Adoptée le 11 mars 2026 par 135 députés sur 165, promulguée le 30 mars et publiée au Journal Officiel le 31 mars 2026, la nouvelle loi sénégalaise double les peines pour les relations entre personnes de même sexe (de cinq à dix ans de prison) et alourdit les amendes (de deux à dix millions de FCFA). Pour la première fois, elle criminalise aussi la « promotion, le soutien ou le financement » de l’homosexualité, de la bisexualité et de la transsexualité, assortissant ces faits de trois à sept ans d’emprisonnement et d’amendes allant de 500 000 à cinq millions de FCFA.

Dans la version officielle, le texte répond à une demande de fermeté et de cohésion sociale. Mais sur le terrain, selon des sources de la société civile, la dynamique est claire : montée de l’homophobie et vague d’arrestations. Depuis début février 2026, au moins 52 personnes ont été interpellées pour des accusations d’« actes contre nature » ou de « transmission volontaire du VIH ». L’ONU, par la voix de Volker Türk, dit sa « profonde préoccupation » et Human Rights Watch dénonce une atteinte aux droits fondamentaux. Des acteurs de santé comme AIDES alertent sur un risque sanitaire majeur, redoutant un frein à la prévention et au dépistage du VIH.

France et asile : entre protection annoncée et filtres procéduraux

La France reconnaît de longue date les persécutions liées à l’orientation sexuelle comme motif d’asile. Dès 2021, le Conseil d’État avait retiré le Sénégal de la liste des « pays sûrs », ouvrant aux ressortissants sénégalais une procédure normale et non accélérée. Des parcours individuels racontent l’urgence. Assane, trentenaire, a quitté le Sénégal autour de septembre 2025 après menaces familiales et rejet social. Il a déposé une demande d’asile en France, symbole d’une quête de sécurité partagée par de nombreux exilés, selon des associations comme STOP Homophobie qui évoquent une hausse des sollicitations.

Mais la protection n’est pas automatique. En septembre 2025, la Cour administrative d’appel de Toulouse a confirmé un rejet, estimant les pièces insuffisantes. Le 31 mars 2026, à la frontière, la demande d’asile d’un autre Sénégalais, Moussa, est refusée par le ministère de l’Intérieur. Il est réacheminé vers Istanbul le 7 avril. L’Anafé critique : craintes jugées « insuffisamment fondées », questions « malvenues et intrusives ». Au cœur du dispositif français, une difficulté persiste : comment apprécier des récits intimes, souvent sans preuve matérielle, quand la peur d’être « outé » au pays d’origine est précisément le risque principal ?

Ce qui se joue vraiment : droits, souveraineté et influence au Sahel

Au-delà de la seule question juridique, cette loi devient un marqueur politique. Selon des observateurs, elle s’inscrit dans un mouvement plus large où la souveraineté culturelle et la maîtrise de l’agenda social sont revendiquées face aux pressions extérieures. L’ONU, des ONG internationales et des acteurs de santé contestent sur le terrain des droits humains et de la santé publique. Paris est placé devant une équation délicate : assumer sa doctrine d’asile ou durcir ses frontières au gré des priorités politiques nationales.

La dimension régionale est incontournable. Dans le Sahel, la compétition d’influence s’intensifie. Les débats sur la souveraineté – amplifiés par l’affirmation de l’Alliance des États du Sahel (AES) – redessinent les relations avec les partenaires occidentaux. Les États-Unis, selon des analyses récentes, adoptent une approche plus pragmatique vis-à-vis de l’AES pour relancer les échanges sécuritaires et économiques. Dans ce contexte, chaque décision interne – qu’elle porte sur la sécurité ou la société – devient un signal adressé aux alliés comme aux critiques. Où se situe l’équilibre entre affirmation nationale et respect des engagements internationaux en matière de droits ?

Impact humain direct : vies discrètes, risques accrus

Concrètement, la peur change de camp : d’un côté, des personnes LGBTQ+ sénégalaises qui modifient leur quotidien – déménagements précipités, silence renforcé, coupures familiales – pour survivre ; de l’autre, des soignants et acteurs communautaires qui craignent de voir leurs actions assimilées à de la « promotion ». Dans ces conditions, certaines personnes évitent les structures de santé, retardent les tests VIH et s’exposent à des complications. En France, l’insécurité juridique des demandeurs – délais, preuves, entretiens – prolonge l’angoisse et la précarité matérielle. Jusqu’où la France ira-t-elle pour concilier humanité et contrôle migratoire ?

Réponses claires aux cinq questions clés

Pourquoi c’est important ? Parce qu’une loi nationale produit des effets transfrontaliers immédiats: exils, pressions sur les systèmes d’asile, tensions diplomatiques, et risques sanitaires pointés par AIDES.

À qui cela profite ? À des acteurs politiques qui valorisent une posture de souveraineté culturelle, selon des observateurs, et à ceux qui prônent un contrôle migratoire strict de ce côté-ci de la Méditerranée.

Qui en souffre ? D’abord les personnes LGBTQ+ visées par les peines et par la crainte sociale ; ensuite les associations de santé, potentiellement freinées ; enfin des services d’asile déjà saturés.

Conséquences cachées ? Le repli sanitaire, une diplomatie des visas plus sélective et une polarisation accrue des opinions entre droits universels et normes culturelles.

Pourquoi maintenant ? La séquence politique régionale place la souveraineté au centre. La loi, votée et promulguée entre février et mars 2026, intervient alors que les rapports de force au Sahel se recomposent et que les partenaires réajustent leurs postures

Dimension stratégique : Paris, Dakar et le jeu des puissances

Pour Paris, chaque refoulement ou chaque admission d’asile devient un message envoyé aux opinions publiques française et ouest-africaine. Selon des sources diplomatiques, la France doit gérer une ligne de crête : éviter d’apparaître comme prescriptrice de normes tout en maintenant ses engagements internationaux. Pour Dakar, la loi incarne un choix d’ordre public et de cohésion, assumé comme tel par ses soutiens, et qui s’inscrit dans un discours de souveraineté qui traverse aujourd’hui l’espace sahélien.

Au plan régional, l’évolution du positionnement américain envers l’AES – décrite par des analystes comme un pragmatisme de sécurité et d’économie – confirme que le Sahel est un théâtre d’ajustements, pas de certitudes. L’épisode sénégalais n’est pas isolé : il révèle comment des politiques internes pèsent désormais sur les flux humains, l’aide, la coopération et la perception d’influence. Pour Le Mali et ses voisins, l’enjeu est double : préserver la souveraineté sans enclencher de spirales d’isolement, et garder ouvertes les voies de coopération utiles à la sécurité et à la santé publique.

Ce qui peut suivre : trois scénarios

Scénario 1 – Procédural: la France affine ses critères de preuve en asile, sans renier la protection, pour gérer un éventuel afflux. Effet: une jurisprudence plus serrée, mais lisible.

Scénario 2 – Diplomatique: un dialogue discret s’installe entre Paris et Dakar, avec médiation d’acteurs multilatéraux, afin de prévenir les effets sanitaires indésirables tout en respectant les choix souverains.

Scénario 3 – Sociétal: la société civile adapte ses pratiques de santé communautaire pour rester dans le cadre légal, au risque d’une baisse de fréquentation des services VIH.

Conclusion : une ligne de faille qui dépasse les frontières

Cette loi ne se lit pas seulement dans un code pénal ; elle se lit dans des vies en clair-obscur, dans des salles d’attente d’aéroport, dans des bureaux d’instruction à la frontière. Entre souveraineté revendiquée, droits affirmés et réalités humaines, le Sahel s’impose comme un champ d’équilibres précaires. La question n’est plus de savoir qui a raison en théorie, mais qui assumera, en pratique, le poids humain de ses choix.

Mais au fond, une question demeure : à qui profite réellement cette situation ?

Oman: Reported new HIV test requirement for Filipinos traveling to Oman

No HIV test, no check-in: Filipino tourists turned away from Oman-bound flights

Filipino nationals traveling to the Sultanate of Oman are now reportedly required to present a certificate of HIV test before departure — a development that has caught many travelers off guard and has yet to be officially confirmed by Philippine authorities.

Multiple accounts from Filipino travelers have emerged in recent weeks, with at least one individual claiming to have been denied boarding on a flight from Thailand to Oman on March 20 after failing to produce an HIV test certificate. The traveler, who asked to remain anonymous, said he was traveling on a 14-day tourist visa and had not been informed of the requirement beforehand.

“I was denied boarding for not having an HIV test,” the traveler recounted. “I told them I was not informed that it was required since I’m only a 14-day free visa traveler, not for work, but they refused to board me.”

The traveler also noted an inconsistency at the gate: a fellow Filipino passenger was initially refused boarding but was later allowed through. He said airline ground staff, when asked where the directive came from, told him it originated from the airline’s head office.

Social media accounts pile up

The traveler’s account was shared on a Facebook page based in Oman, catering to the Filipino community, and the post quickly drew responses from followers who reported the same experience. One commenter, who said she had personally verified the requirement with an immigration officer at Oman’s airport, confirmed that the HIV certificate is checked upon arrival alongside the passport and visa — and is being required specifically of Filipino tourists and visitors, not of those who already hold Omani residency or labor cards.

“Except sa Oman resident or may Labor card yung mga galing bakasyon pabalik dito sa Oman. Di kayo hahanapan,” the commenter wrote, explaining that returning residents are exempt. She added that her sister had been held at an Oman Air check-in counter in the Philippines over the same requirement, with the family told the rule had only been implemented the previous month.

Another follower corroborated the account, saying a fellow Filipino she spoke with — who had traveled to Oman on a 14-day visa-free entry from the Philippines — confirmed the HIV test was now required. A third commenter was more specific on the scope: “New rules, no HIV test for all those applying for tourist visas, family visit visas. Those are not airline rules, they are as per government rules.”

The emerging picture from these accounts is that the requirement is being enforced at the airline check-in level — specifically by carriers operating flights to Oman — and applies to Filipino nationals traveling on tourist or visit visas. Filipino residents of Oman returning from vacation appear to be exempt.

What the documents show

A circular bearing the logo of the Civil Aviation Authority (CAA) of the Sultanate of Oman describes the requirement as an “Explanatory Annex to Circular Regarding Entry Facilities for Nationals of the Philippines.” It specifies that the pre-arrival medical examination focuses on HIV/AIDS testing, that the certificate is accepted from any officially accredited clinic or medical center in the country where the examination is conducted, and that the requirement applies to all Philippine nationals regardless of departure point — including those residing in GCC countries. Children are exempt.

A screenshot of what appears to be Oman Air’s internal airline operations system — displaying a travel information warning screen — also shows the same requirement posted as an active directive to check-in staff: “NATIONALS OF PHILIPPINES MUST OBTAIN A CERTIFICATE OF HIV TEST BEFORE DEPARTURE. THIS DOES NOT APPLY TO CHILDREN.”

OWWA Oman confirms, but details remain thin

When a concerned Filipino reached out to the Overseas Workers Welfare Administration (OWWA) Oman via messaging to ask whether the HIV certificate was also required for tourists, an OWWA representative replied in the affirmative. “Yes that’s a new requirement for airlines,” the OWWA representative said. When pressed on the age threshold, the representative confirmed the requirement applies to those 18 years old and above, adding that local clinics were already aware of the process.

OWWA’s response, however, described the requirement as one being enforced by the airlines — consistent with what community members on the ground have observed — rather than framing it as a standalone Omani government directive formally communicated to Manila.

Philippine Embassy silent; travel agency unaware

As of this writing, the Philippine Embassy in Oman has not issued any advisory regarding the HIV testing requirement. The Global Filipino Magazine has reached out to the Embassy for an official statement and is awaiting a response.

TGFM also reached out to a Dubai-based travel agency, whose representative said they had not received any directive from the Omani government on the matter. The agency also noted that a UAE tourist visa holder who had recently transited through Oman to change visa status did not encounter the requirement — raising questions about whether enforcement is consistent across all entry points and traveler categories.

An awkward timing

The development comes at an ironic moment. Oman announced late last year that it would grant Filipino nationals visa-free entry for up to 14 days starting 2026 — a move hailed as a boost to bilateral ties and tourism. By early January 2026, the Omani Foreign Ministry’s entry visas page had been updated to include the Philippines among visa-exempt nationalities. The HIV testing requirement, if enforced as described, effectively layers a new medical prerequisite on top of what was intended to be a more open-door policy for Filipino visitors.

The timing also intersects with the Philippines’ worsening HIV epidemic. According to the World Health Organization, about 252,800 Filipinos are living with HIV in 2025, with an estimated 57 new diagnoses recorded daily — a staggering 550% increase in cases since 2010.

What travelers should know for now

Until an official advisory is issued by the Philippine Department of Migrant Workers, the Department of Foreign Affairs, or the Philippine Embassy in Muscat, the situation remains unconfirmed at the government-to-government level. Based on available accounts, Filipino nationals traveling to Oman on tourist or visit visas — regardless of departure point — are advised to secure an HIV test certificate from an accredited clinic or medical center before flying, as airlines appear to be enforcing the requirement at check-in.

Returning Filipino residents of Oman holding valid residency or labor cards appear to be exempt from the requirement.

The Global Filipino Magazine continues to seek comment from the Philippine Embassy in Muscat, the Department of Migrant Workers, and Oman Air. This is a developing story.

US: Idaho push to identify immigration status of HIV patients sparks alarm

Idaho lawmakers seek immigration status of HIV patients using state resources

The Department of Health and Welfare would be required to report the immigration status of people using state HIV prevention services under a proposed public health budget.

The move comes after Idaho lawmakers in 2025 passed a measure to prevent some immigrants from accessing services such as soup kitchens, prenatal care and crisis counseling.

Just days before that law was set to take effect, the American Civil Liberties Union of Idaho announced a lawsuit against part of the law that would prevent some immigrants from accessing HIV medication.

The plaintiffs argued that the immigrants couldn’t receive the medication otherwise, and the people needing those meds could face severe health issues or even death, while Idaho risked an HIV spread. A judge agreed and blocked that portion of the law from going into effect while litigation is ongoing.

On Tuesday, during a meeting of the state’s powerful budget committee, lawmakers voted 14-4 to include the immigration report language in a Health and Welfare budget.

The budget committee’s co-chair, Rep. Josh Tanner, R-Eagle, told the Idaho Statesman that someone in DHW told him that there was an increase in HIV among undocumented immigrants. He said he would not share the source.

The report was important to help the state figure out how to get ahead of any increases, he said.

“It’s important to understand,” Tanner said.

AJ McWhorter, a spokesperson with the Idaho Department of Health and Welfare, said there hasn’t been a trend in HIV cases for the past five years, but there have been regional increases “here and there.”

HIV cases have increased in the eastern and southeastern parts of the state in 2026, according to East Idaho News, with seven cases diagnosed in the first three months of the year — matching the typical yearly average.

The number of cases in that part of the state was “unexpected,” McWhorter said.

“As for what is causing the increase in Eastern and Southeastern Idaho, we don’t see a single determining factor,” McWhorter wrote in an email. “Increases can occur due to changes in testing patterns, partner networks, or a variety of other community factors.”

During Monday’s meeting, Tanner refused to let Sen. Melissa Wintrow, D-Boise, talk about the motion, instead repeatedly calling for a vote to be taken. But she managed to slip a word in:

“I need to say I think it’s really important that we are not discriminating against people based on a disease and an infection,” Wintrow said. “Disease knows no immigration status.”

US: Chicago group support LGBTQ+ and HIV-positive migrants in and beyond detention

Chicago-based collective helps LGBTQ+ migrants in detention

A Chicago-based immigrant rights organization is working to support LGBTQ+ migrants in immigration detention through a mix of direct services, arts programs and advocacy aimed at shifting public narratives around immigration.

Migrant Support Collective, founded in 2020, focuses on meeting the immediate needs of LGBTQ+ migrants who are either detained or recently released.

“We usually tell people that our partners get people out of detention, and we try to get them through it,” said Beck Sroczynski, the organization’s program director.

The organization combines “micro level” direct services to support migrants in detention with “macro level” advocacy work aimed at “shifting and interrupting xenophobic and transphobic narratives around LGBTQ+ migrants,” Sroczynski said.

The work began in response to the harms faced by LGBTQ+ people in detention, such as harassment, physical violence and medical neglect tied to their sexual orientation, gender identity or HIV status, Sroczynski said.

These challenges have been well-documented, including in a 2024 report from the National Immigrant Justice Center finding that nearly all LGBTQ+ and HIV-positive migrants surveyed had experienced harm while in detention.

Advocates have also raised concerns about the lack of transparency in federal detention systems, including gaps in data collection on transgender people in ICE custody.

“There are so many unique challenges that queer folks—especially gender nonconforming, transgender and HIV positive folks—face while experiencing detention,” Sroczynski said.

These challenges are often compounded when LGBTQ+ migrants don’t have access to outside support networks, Sroczynski said.

“For most of them, we are some of the only connections they have to the world outside of detention,” Sroczynski said.

In response, Migrant Support Collective has rolled out a series of programs for migrants in detention that center LGBTQ+ people.

One initiative, the LGBTQ+ Emotional Support program, sends resource packets to migrants that contain self-reflection exercises, identity-based materials and coping strategies that can help them navigate detention.

The packets are currently available in English and Spanish, with an Arabic translation in progress. They were developed in partnership with pro bono mental health professionals and sent to migrants through referrals from partner organizations.

Migrant Support Collective is also piloting an Art as Advocacy program, which provides detained migrants with art supplies and prompts to support creative expression and connection.

Organizers are planning a community event and art installation for later this year in Chicago where migrants can opt to have their artwork displayed, Sroczynski said. The initiative is designed to help with the isolation of detention while creating opportunities for migrants to share their stories.

Another key effort is the Data Transparency Initiative, which empowers LGBTQ+ migrants to share their own stories in a way that counters narratives that erase queer voices from immigration discourse.

Sroczynski said the program aims to “create opportunities for storytelling by detained queer migrants” while also working toward “increasing transparency and accountability” and advancing structural change.

As Migrant Support Collective grows, the organization is looking to expand its scope to support immigrants beyond detention.

The group is working on a reentry care package for LGBTQ+ and HIV-positive migrants who have been released from detention and are resettling in the Chicago area. It’s a partnership with the Chicago Center for HIV Elimination.

In addition to its LGBTQ+-specific programming, the organization continues to run its original library program, which provides detained migrants with books and journals upon request.

The program reflects the organization’s grassroots origins, which began as a small effort called “Books for Migrants.”

“That started when Michelle Velazquez and I were working at the National Immigrant Justice Center and we saw a lot of people were asking for books while in detention,” Sroczynski said.

Since then, the organization has grown significantly, supported in part by its fiscal sponsorship through Organized Communities Against Deportations.

Sroczynski said the partnership, established in 2024, has been critical to expanding its capacity.

“They provide so much support with our operations,” they said, citing fundraising connections, program feedback and administrative support. “We definitely wouldn’t be where we are today without them.”

Still, the need for additional support remains urgent—particularly for transgender migrants, Sroczynski said.

“I think that it is difficult to overemphasize the urgency of supporting and centering queer migrants, especially transgender migrants,” Sroczynski said.

New WHO report shows encouraging gains in migrant health inclusion, but gaps persist

Encouraging progress in inclusive health policies for refugees and migrants

The World Health Organization (WHO) reports a major shift in how countries are responding to the health needs of refugees and migrants, with new data showing more than 60 countries – two thirds of those surveyed – now include them in their national health policies and laws.

Drawing on data from 93 Member States, the report establishes the first global baseline for tracking progress toward inclusive, migrant-responsive health systems.

Human migration is a defining feature of our shared history, driving cultural, social and economic developments across generations. Today, over 1 billion people – over 1 in 8 globally – live as refugees or migrants.

Reasons for moving range from conflict and disasters, to economic opportunity, education or family needs. Yet many refugees and migrants face barriers to accessing care, heightened risks of infectious and chronic diseases, mental-health challenges, and unsafe living or working conditions.

“Refugees and migrants are not just recipients of care, they are also health workers, caregivers and community leaders,” said Dr Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus, Director-General, World Health Organization. “Health systems are only truly universal when they serve everyone. WHO’s new report on the health of migrants and refugee shows that inclusion benefits whole societies and strengthens preparedness for future health challenges.”

Investment in refugee and migrant health deliver far-reaching dividends. They support better social and economic integration, strengthen the resilience of health systems and reinforce global health security. Inclusive, migrant-responsive health systems also reduce long-term costs by enabling healthy, well-integrated populations to contribute fully to the societies in which they live.

The new “World report on promoting the health of refugees and migrants: monitoring progress on the WHO global action plan” shows that even in politically sensitive contexts, countries are increasingly relying on evidence, data, science, and established norms and standards to guide how migration and health are addressed within national health systems.

Case studies from all six WHO regions illustrate how progress can be achieved in practice – from expanded migrant health insurance coverage in Thailand, to the use of cross-cultural communication mediators in Belgium, and the inclusion of migrant community representatives in decision-making on primary health care delivery in Chile.

Gaps remain

Despite progress, the report highlights persisting gaps:

only 37% of responding countries routinely collect, analyze and disseminate migration-related health data as part of national health information systems;
just 42% include refugees and migrants in emergency preparedness, disaster risk reduction or response plans;
fewer than 40% report training health workers in culturally responsive care for refugees and migrants;
only 30% have implemented communication campaigns to counter misperceptions and discrimination related to refugee and migrant health;
access remains uneven: while refugees are generally more likely to access health services, migrants in irregular situations, internally displaced persons, migrant workers, and international students are far less consistently covered; and
participation in governance is limited: refugees and migrants remain under-represented in health governance and decision-making processes in most countries.

The way forward

WHO welcomes the progress made and urges governments, partners and donors to accelerate progress by:

embedding refugees and migrants in all national health policies, strategies and plans;
strengthening the collection and use of routine, disaggregated migration health data for planning and accountability;
coordinating across sectors spanning health, housing, education, employment and social protection;
tailoring strategies to the specific needs of different migrant subgroups, including those in irregular situations;
meaningfully engaging refugees and migrants in planning, governance and service design and delivery;
training health workers on providing equitable, culturally-sensitive care;
tackling misinformation and discrimination through evidence-informed action; and
protecting and expanding financing to safeguard progress for all.

WHO will continue to support Member States to translate commitments into action, by strengthening evidence, promoting culturally responsive care and integrating refugees and migrants into resilient national health systems. At global, regional and country levels, WHO will also continue working closely with partners, including the International Organization for Migration, the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees and the World Bank to advance coordinated, rights-based approaches to refugee and migrant health.

The IOM became the first international organization to onboard onto the Global Digital Health Certification Network (GDHCN), a WHO-hosted digital public infrastructure that enables the verification of health documents across countries. The new collaboration is expected to further enhance efforts to help migrants securely access verifiable health records wherever they go, supporting continuity of care across borders.

By becoming the first international organization to join the GDHCN, IOM underscores WHO’s leadership in leading the public health aspects of refugee and migrant health and in fostering trusted, interoperable digital health systems that protect and empower people globally.

Greece’s new migration law draws UN condemnation for targeting NGOs

Greek Law Targeting NGOs Sparks International Criticism

Five United Nations experts, led by Special Rapporteur on human rights defenders Mary Lawlor, have sharply criticized Greece’s new migration law for criminalizing human rights defenders supporting migrants, refugees, and asylum seekers. In a letter made public on February 24, the experts warned that the legislation, adopted on February 5, imposes unfair restrictions on NGOs and converts humanitarian activities into criminal offenses.

Under the law, membership in a nongovernmental organization is treated as an aggravating factor for migration-related crimes, meaning aid workers face harsher penalties than private citizens performing the same acts. For example, helping an undocumented person find shelter could be a misdemeanor for a private individual but a felony for an NGO worker. The UN experts argue that this creates “de jure discrimination” and could chill humanitarian efforts.

The legislation also grants the Greek migration minister broad powers to deregister NGOs without judicial oversight, adding to the already complex registration requirements for civil society groups. Human Rights Watch notes that this move fits a broader pattern of Greek authorities intimidating those who provide life-saving assistance, report on pushbacks, or hold the government accountable for migrant deaths.

By targeting and criminalizing civil society, the law undermines the rule of law and fosters a climate of fear, putting the lives of migrants and asylum seekers at risk. The UN experts urge the Greek government to annul abusive provisions and preserve civil society space as a fundamental aspect of democracy and human rights protection.

Senegal: Violence, arrests and stigma lead to surge in Asylum requests from LGBT community

The Paris-based association STOP Homophobia has sounded the alarm, announcing that it has received 18 requests for help to leave Senegal in the space of just a few days. Faced with what they describe as a ‘dramatic’ climate, more and more members of Senegal’s LGBT+ community are considering exile, mainly to neighbouring Gambia, to escape violence, threats and expulsion from their families. Terrence Khatchadourian, the association’s secretary general, stresses that everyone now fears arrest and serious violations of their privacy.

This desperate flight is a direct consequence of an unprecedented intensification of repression against homosexuality in Senegal. The country has been rocked by a series of arrests – at least 30 according to local media – triggered by denunciations and systematic phone searches. The names of those arrested are being made public, leading to what human rights defenders describe as a veritable ‘public lynching’.

Tougher legislation and health-related stigmatisation

The government recently passed a bill to double the penalties for homosexual relations from five to ten years’ imprisonment. The bill also provides for three to seven years in prison for anyone who ‘promotes’ homosexuality. This tough legislation responds to pressing demands from influential religious associations in a predominantly Muslim country where homosexuality is widely perceived as deviant.

The debate is all the more heated as some of those arrested are accused of deliberately transmitting HIV. According to STOP Homophobia, the use of HIV status as evidence against defendants creates a major public health crisis by discouraging testing and access to care.

Concerns from NGOs and local silence

While social media is awash with videos of attacks and inflammatory comments, dissenting voices are rare in Senegal. Denis Ndour, president of the Senegalese League for Human Rights, has himself supported tougher penalties, describing homosexuals as ‘sick’. Conversely, experts such as Marame Kane point out that protection against humiliation is a ‘universal principle’, regardless of cultural context.

Since 2021, Senegal is no longer considered a safe country by the OFPRA in France. For those who cannot afford to flee, the testimony of Boubacar*, an exile, is chilling: ‘The only thing they can do is watch death coming and wait.’

Sénégal : face à la « traque », l’association STOP Homophobie enregistre une vague de demandes d’asile

L’association STOP Homophobie, basée à Paris, a tiré la sonnette d’alarme en annonçant avoir reçu 18 demandes d’aide pour quitter le Sénégal en l’espace de seulement quelques jours. Face à un climat qu’ils jugent « dramatique », de plus en plus de membres de la communauté LGBT+ sénégalaise envisagent l’exil, principalement vers la Gambie voisine, pour échapper aux violences, aux menaces et aux expulsions familiales. Terrence Khatchadourian, secrétaire général de l’association, souligne que tous craignent désormais l’arrestation et les atteintes graves à leur vie privée.

Cette fuite désespérée est la conséquence directe d’une intensification sans précédent de la répression envers l’homosexualité au Sénégal. Le pays est secoué par des arrestations en série — au moins une trentaine selon les médias locaux — déclenchées par des dénonciations et des fouilles systématiques de téléphones. Les noms des personnes interpellées sont divulgués publiquement, provoquant ce que des défenseurs des droits humains qualifient de véritable « lynchage public ».

Un arsenal législatif durci et une stigmatisation sanitaire

Le gouvernement a récemment adopté un projet de loi visant à doubler les peines pour les relations homosexuelles, qui passeraient de cinq à dix ans d’emprisonnement. Le texte prévoit également trois à sept ans de prison pour toute personne faisant « l’apologie » de l’homosexualité. Cette fermeté législative répond aux demandes pressantes d’associations religieuses influentes dans un pays majoritairement musulman où l’homosexualité est largement perçue comme une déviance.

Le débat est d’autant plus virulent que certaines personnes arrêtées sont accusées de transmission volontaire du VIH. Selon STOP Homophobie, l’utilisation du statut sérologique comme preuve à charge crée une crise de santé publique majeure en décourageant le dépistage et l’accès aux soins.

Inquiétudes des ONG et silence local

Alors que les réseaux sociaux pullulent de vidéos d’agressions et de commentaires incendiaires, les voix discordantes se font rares au Sénégal. Denis Ndour, président de la Ligue sénégalaise des droits de l’Homme, a lui-même soutenu le durcissement des peines, qualifiant les homosexuels de « malades ». À l’inverse, des expertes comme Marame Kane rappellent que la protection contre l’humiliation est un « principe universel », indépendamment du contexte culturel.

Depuis 2021, le Sénégal n’est plus considéré comme un pays sûr par l’Ofpra en France. Pour ceux qui n’ont pas les moyens de fuir, le témoignage de Boubacar*, un exilé, est glaçant : « la seule chose qu’ils peuvent faire, c’est de voir la mort qui vient et attendre ».