Zimbabwe: Retrogressive bill listing wilful HIV transmission as a criminal offence set to be withdrawn

Government withdraws wilful HIV transmission from Bill

The Bill sought to re-criminalise deliberate HIV/AIDS transmission despite the fact that the Marriages Act had decriminalised wilful HIV/AIDS transmission. Contributing to debate on the Bill in the National Assembly last week, Justice, Legal and Parliamentary Affairs Minister, Ziyambi Ziyambi, said prosecution under the Criminal Laws Amendment (Protection of Children and Young Persons) Bill should only apply when deliberate transmission of HIV/AIDS is done in aggravating circumstances such as rape and other sexual offences involving young persons

A CLAUSE in the Criminal Laws Amendment (Protection of Children and Young Persons) Bill that lists wilful HIV/AIDS transmission to a partner as a criminal offence, is set to be withdrawn by the Government as the Second Republic seeks to align with international trends.

The Bill, presently before Parliament, listed HIV/AIDS as one of the sexually-transmitted infections (STIs), whose deliberate transmission to a partner is a criminal offence. Others include syphilis, gonorrhoea and herpes.

The Criminal Laws Amendment Bill also sets out to raise the age of sexual consent from 16 to 18.

The Bill sought to re-criminalise deliberate HIV/AIDS transmission despite the fact that the Marriages Act had decriminalised wilful HIV/AIDS transmission. Contributing to debate on the Bill in the National Assembly last week, Justice, Legal and Parliamentary Affairs Minister, Ziyambi Ziyambi, said prosecution under the Criminal Laws Amendment (Protection of Children and Young Persons) Bill should only apply when deliberate transmission of HIV/AIDS is done in aggravating circumstances such as rape and other sexual offences involving young persons.

Earlier on, some legislators, including those in the Justice, Legal and Parliamentary Affairs Portfolio Committee chaired by Bikita South MP, Dr Energy Mutodi, had expressed reservations on the reintroduction of the clause that had been taken away by the Marriages Act.

Said Minister Ziyambi: “The way it is couched in the Bill is not correct. The policy direction from the Executive was, where you sleep with a young person and you have been convicted, it becomes an aggravating factor if you have wilfully transmitted an STI to that particular young person.

“The assumption that we are coming from is, young persons are not sexually active and it is not very difficult to prove once you have been convicted. Medical reports are there to prove that the young person contracted HIV and STIs and it should be an aggravating factor on sentencing.

“We are going to change this so that it does not appear like we have generally reintroduced the clause that we repealed the last time when we brought the Marriages Act. It is very difficult to prove and worldwide studies have shown that criminalising does not reduce transmission levels.”

Minister Ziyambi added that there were several discordant couples that can stay for years, “the other one not seroconverting”.

“So, if we say we are criminalising, we are saying, per chance, if you manage to contract, you are a criminal, but that one who has not contracted and nothing has happened, we say ‘they are okay’; there is discrimination, scientifically it does not mean that if people sleep together, automatically they will have HIV,” he said.

Minister Ziyambi said it would be difficult to implement, if the law was to be allowed in the country’s statutes.

“So I want to take it to agree that it is a law that is very difficult to implement, hence the reason why the Executive, the last time when we had the Marriages Act, agreed with the submissions from those within the Ministry of Health and Child Care that we need to repeal it.

“We now have an assumption that we have a case where somebody has been arrested for sleeping with a young person and medical reports are there that there has been an infection. Those reports will indicate whether that particular young person was sexually active or not, and there we are saying it becomes an aggravating factor if you have infected that particular young person with STIs and HIV. Therefore, that particular clause will be amended accordingly and hence we will be bringing those amendments,” he said.

Earlier on, presenting the Portfolio Committee’s report, Dr Mutodi said during their public hearings on the Bill, while some supported the clause, others expressed reservations.

He said some members of the public were against the clause, arguing that during the crafting of the Marriages Act in 2022, Government agreed to the lobbying of people with HIV and other support groups and civil society organisations to decriminalise wilful transmission of HIV.

“It was further submitted that there is no method of establishing the period one may have been infected with HIV and who would have transmitted the virus between the two, when the statuses of both were unknown before sexual intercourse happened,” said Dr Mutodi.

Dzivarasekwa MP, Mr Edwin Mushoriwa, said it was difficult to prove wilful transmission of HIV.

Hwange Central MP, Mr Daniel Molokele, said the removal of the clause had been celebrated last time, and reinstating it would be retrogressive.

“This bad law was repealed because it is not possible socially and legally to prove who, in a particular relationship, was infected first with HIV. Over the years, many countries have repealed this bad law and Zimbabwe was one of the last countries to repeal this law,” he said.

“Women are the ones who have been prosecuted under this law and it has been difficult to prove that they committed a criminal offence because we all know that in this country, women are the ones who have health-seeking behaviour; they are the ones who are willing to do HIV tests.

“Most men in this country are scared to do an HIV test. They are less scared of lions and other wild animals than having an HIV test. I can dare a man in this Parliament to have an HIV test in public and you see the reaction. Most of them will look for the nearest exit door.”

 

Civil society statement on the proposed re-criminalisation of HIV in Zimbabwe

Download this statement as a pdf

In 2022, the Government of Zimbabwe was celebrated nationally and internationally for repealing the country’s HIV-specific criminal law, Section 79 of the Criminal Code.

When announcing the repeal in Parliament, Minister Ziyambi Ziyambi, Zimbabwe’s Minister of Justice, Legal and Parliamentary Affairs noted: “…the global thinking now is that that law stigmatises people living with HIV and studies have shown that it does not produce the intended results. What the ministry is going to do is to repeal that section of the law and ensure that we keep up to speed with modern trends in the world.”

HIV JUSTICE WORLDWIDE is shocked, saddened and extremely disappointed that only two years later, the Ministry of Justice, Legal and Parliamentary Affairs is now proposing to re-criminalise HIV by adding HIV to the list of sexually transmitted infections (STIs) currently criminalised in Section 78 of the Criminal Code.

That they are proposing to do so as part of the Criminal Laws Amendment (Protection of Children and Young Persons) Bill is both cynical and unwarranted. Amendments to the Criminal Code are meant to codify the Supreme Court decision on the age of consent to sex. Amending Section 78 of the Criminal Code to re-criminalise HIV is out-of-step with the 2021 Political Declaration on HIV/AIDS agreed on by UN Member States, including Zimbabwe. Of note, Section 80 of the Criminal Code already provides for aggravated sentencing in cases of exposure to HIV during “sexual intercourse or performing an indecent act with a young person.”

Section 78, like the repealed Section 79, criminalises anyone who “does anything or causes or permits anything to be done with the intention or realising that there is a real risk or possibility of infecting any other person with” syphilis, gonorrhoea, herpes and “all other forms of sexually transmitted diseases”. It is overly broad and extremely vague. 

Adding HIV to this already problematic provision would be a retrograde and harmful step backwards for the following reasons:

  1. Criminalisation does not prevent HIV or STI transmission. Communicable diseases – including those that are sexually transmitted – are public health issues, not criminal issues and criminalisation is not an evidence-based response to public health issues. As UNAIDS noted in its 2022 press release congratulating Zimbabwe for repealing the HIV criminalisation law: “The criminalisation of HIV transmission is ineffective, discriminatory and undermines efforts to reduce new HIV infections. Such laws actively discourage people from getting tested for HIV and from being referred to the appropriate treatment and prevention services.”
  2. The criminalisation of HIV and other STIs can violate human rights. Such laws and prosecutions threaten the rights of people living with HIV, and other STIs, to equality, freedom from discrimination, privacy, human dignity, health, liberty, and the right to a fair trial, amongst others. Based on the HIV Justice Network’s monitoring of how people living with HIV were prosecuted previously under Section 79, we believe that the criminal justice system is not well equipped to understand the science of exposure and transmission of HIV or other STIs and would therefore be unable to uphold principles of legal and judicial fairness, including the key criminal law principles of legality, foreseeability, intent, causality, proportionality and proof. Overly broad criminalisation of HIV and STIs means people with HIV or STIs risk being prosecuted and sent to prison instead of receiving care for their medical condition.
  3. The criminalisation of HIV and other STIs can increase stigma and harm public health. This is particularly so because prosecutions are often accompanied by highly stigmatising and inaccurate media reporting. By increasing stigma and driving people away from testing and healthcare services, criminalisation may therefore also prevent or delay people from accessing testing and treatment. Effective HIV and/or STI treatment not only allows people living with HIV or other STIs to lead longer, healthier lives, but also prevents HIV and STI transmission. 
  4. Criminalisation harms women. In Zimbabwe, as in many African countries, HIV criminal laws have been disproportionately applied against women living with HIV. Women are usually the first to know of their HIV status, often due to accessing testing during antenatal care. Being the first to test positive, women may be vulnerable to being falsely blamed for bringing HIV into the relationship. Women living with HIV are also vulnerable to violence and abuse in intimate relationships and the threat of prosecution only increases that vulnerability.

Rather than adding HIV to Section 78, this provision should be repealed. This would contribute to enhancing Zimbabwe’s HIV and STI response in line with a human rights-affirming approach to health that is mandated by the Constitution and recommended by public health and human rights experts internationally and regionally.

The Health Law and Policy Consortium agrees with the HJWW coalition:

Reintroducing the punitive criminalisation of  HIV transmission is counterproductive as it undermines national health objectives and the global target of ending HIV and AIDS by 2030. It will be tantamount to reenacting state endorsed stigma that will inevitably flow from the criminalisation. This amendment not only jeopardises the progress made through the successful repeal of Section 79 of the Criminal Law Codification and Reform Act, it threatens current efforts underway to prevent the spread of HIV as it reintroduces a driver for new infections of HIV. The proposed amendment creates a formidable legal barrier that will severely undermine full access to essential healthcare services. It will deter individuals from seeking regular HIV testing, adhering to HIV treatment and medication, and disclosing their HIV status to enable their sexual partners to take preventive measures such as PrEP.

Sonke Gender Justice also agrees with the above and adds the following:

It is Sonke’s considered view that the reintroduction of the impugned provisions providing for the criminalisation of HIV in Zimbabwe will harm rights of women. The amendment of Section 78 of the Criminal Code on sexually transmitted diseases to include HIV will bring back the narrative of unjust arrests and prosecutions. Under this new provision, women tested as HIV-positive will face prosecution and eventual violence. Criminalisation of HIV reinforces gender barriers to accessing treatment, care and support for women who test HIV-positive, driving them underground, unable to disclose their status to the detriment of family health resulting in infant HIV acquisition, ART non-adherence for both the mother and infant. Criminalisation of HIV impairs public health goals that seek to promote health rights of women leading to poor health outcomes and HIV related health disparities.

HJWW, HLPC and Sonke conclude that re-criminalising HIV, as well the existing criminalisation of STIs, is a threat to Zimbabwe’s HIV and SRHR response and to the rights, security and dignity of people living with HIV, particularly women living with HIV.

Section 78 is vague and overly broad and risks being applied in a way that is unjust and discriminatory. It will not prevent HIV or STI transmission, instead perpetuating stigma and misinformation, risking driving people away from HIV and STI testing and treatment and filling prisons.

 


About the authors of this statement

HIV JUSTICE WORLDWIDE is a coalition of 16 global and regional civil society networks and human rights defenders working to end HIV criminalisation.

Health Law and Policy Consortium (HLPC) is a health policy advocacy organisation leveraging a network of experts across various disciplines. HLPC aims to facilitate rights-based policy formulation, implementation, and monitoring within Zimbabwe’s public health system.

Sonke Gender Justice is a South African-based non-profit organisation working throughout Africa. Sonke believes women and men, girls and boys can work together to resist patriarchy, advocate for gender justice and achieve gender transformation.

Download this statement as a pdf

Navigating injustice: the struggle for fair treatment of HIV non-disclosure in Canada

Resetting the code on HIV and crime

AIDS is not the death sentence it once was, but Canada still has strict punishments for people who don’t disclose their HIV status to sexual partners. Critics say that’s unfair and out of step with the rest of the world. What could be done differently?

Before Michelle was diagnosed with HIV, her life was marred in ways unfathomable to most.

In the home where she grew up, drugs were dealt and intoxicated men came and went. As a young child, Michelle was sexually abused by a family member.

In the years that followed, she used alcohol, cocaine and heroin to cope. She believes she was infected with HIV in 2000 through a contaminated needle.

Struggling with addiction, Michelle turned to sex work in Vancouver’s Downtown Eastside. In 2006, a man accused Michelle of having unprotected sex with him without disclosing her HIV-positive status. Michelle alleges she was in an abusive, coercive relationship with the man, a former client, and that he sexually assaulted her without a condom. (The Globe and Mail does not typically name victims of sexual assault, but Michelle consented to use her first name.)

After the man brought his story to police, Michelle was charged with aggravated sexual assault. In cases involving alleged “HIV non-disclosure,” it is the charge most often laid in Canada, and the most serious sexual offence in the Criminal Code. Fearing a lengthy prison term, Michelle pleaded guilty and was sentenced to 2½ years. Only after pleading did she learn that her name had been put on the National Sex Offender Registry, something no one discussed with her in court, she said.

“I have a life sentence tied to my name,” said Michelle, now 45. “I have a label but I’m not that person. The whole label of a sex offender – I was raped at the age of 5. I know what sexual abuse is. I’m a victim of sexual abuse.”

An estimated 62,790 people were living with HIV in Canada in late 2020. Michelle is one of hundreds who’ve been prosecuted for alleged HIV non-disclosure.

Between 1989 and 2020, approximately 206 people were prosecuted in 224 criminal cases, according to a 2022 report from the HIV Legal Network. Of 187 cases where the outcome is known, 130 cases – 70 per cent – ended in conviction, the vast majority with prison time. A significant number of those convicted prior to 2023 were also registered as sex offenders, before courts ended the practice of making this mandatory for all sex offences.

In Canada, the law focuses not on actual transmission of the virus, but on “non-disclosure” – the act of not telling a sexual partner that one is HIV-positive prior to sex that poses a “realistic possibility” of transmission. This means that people who did not pass HIV to anyone have been charged, convicted and imprisoned. Of 163 cases where complainants’ HIV status was known, 64 per cent didn’t involve actual transmission of HIV. Courts have convicted HIV-positive people who took precautions before sex, as well as those who were sexually assaulted.

It is a sweeping, punitive approach that sets Canada apart from many other jurisdictions internationally.

Now, a push to limit HIV criminalization is intensifying. For years, critics have argued the laws are discriminatory and unscientific – driven by fear, misconceptions about people living with HIV and a lack of knowledge about the basic scientific realities of this virus. Thanks to significant medical advances, HIV can be managed effectively with antiretroviral medication that makes the virus undetectable and untransmittable to others.

The Canadian Coalition to Reform HIV Criminalization – a group that includes people living with HIV, community organizations, lawyers and researchers – is pushing for amendments to the Criminal Code that would limit criminal prosecution to a measure of last resort, reserved for rare cases of intentional transmission. Among other changes, the group also wants to see an end to charging these cases under sexual assault law.

“People have been prosecuted, many of whom are still living with the consequences of that prosecution, including in cases where there never should have been a charge in the first place,” said Richard Elliott, a Halifax lawyer and former executive director of the HIV Legal Network.

While the federal government has published reports, engaged in public consultations and issued some directives on limiting HIV prosecution, some advocates fear the push for broader legal reform is stalling: to date, there remains no legislation to amend this country’s HIV non-disclosure law. In the absence of legal reform, Canadians living with HIV face a lingering threat of criminal liability as they navigate their intimate lives.

Alison Symington heard about the life-altering impact of this from HIV-positive women for two documentaries she co-produced on HIV criminalization. For many of these women, the legal perils were too high to chance relationships with partners who might later turn out to be misinformed or vindictive and take them to court.

“It’s sad,” said Ms. Symington, a senior policy analyst at the HIV Justice Network. “People used to be fearful that they might pass the virus on. But now that they know they won’t pass the virus on – and that they could have a happy, healthy relationship – there’s still this outdated criminal law hanging over their heads.”

At the height of the HIV/AIDS crisis in the early nineties in Canada, thousands were dying of AIDS-related illnesses, many not long after a diagnosis. In 1995 alone, more than 1,700 people died, according to Statistics Canada. It was a period that would usher in some of Canada’s earliest prosecutions for HIV non-disclosure.

With the virus shrouded in panic, misinformation and stigma, some grew fearful of disclosing. But as HIV prevention campaigns took hold and AIDS activism movements began educating people on safer sex, those failing to use condoms became a minority.

The advent of effective antiretroviral treatments in 1996 transformed the landscape, with deaths dropping dramatically a year later. The drugs suppress an HIV-positive person’s viral load, making the virus undetectable and untransmittable to others. By 2020, 87 per cent of those diagnosed with HIV in Canada were on treatment, with 95 per cent of them achieving viral suppression, according to the Public Health Agency of Canada.

Though the science progressed, both the law and public understanding of HIV failed to advance alongside.

Advocates argue the overreach in Canada’s HIV law stems partly from a 2012 Supreme Court of Canada decision, R. v. Mabior. The court ruled that HIV-positive people have a legal duty to disclose their status before having sex that poses a “realistic possibility” of HIV transmission – and decided that only a combination of condom use and a low viral load at the time of sex negate that possibility.

Critics say this legal stance diverges from well-established guidance from the World Health Organization and the Public Health Agency of Canada that a suppressed viral load or correct condom usage are each, on their own, highly effective methods of preventing transmission.

There is serious disconnect between science, public health and the law in Canada, said André Capretti, a Montreal policy analyst at the HIV Legal Network.

“Scientists have been saying undetectable equals untransmittable for many years now,” Mr. Capretti said. “But it takes a lot of time for that to permeate into the public consciousness, including at the prosecutorial level, police level and individual level. If a complainant isn’t aware that there wasn’t a risk in having sex with a partner who was undetectable, they’re still going to go to the police and want to press charges.”

Since being enacted, the laws have been used to prosecute HIV-positive people who used condoms properly and didn’t infect anyone, who engaged in oral sex – where the risk of spreading HIV is exceedingly low – and who unwittingly transmitted while being sexually assaulted. The net has caught people who are vulnerable, or who applied due diligence to not infecting others, and treated them the same as a smaller minority who transmitted recklessly.

While some court rulings are beginning to reflect the modern science on HIV transmission, other decisions have not kept up.

In 2009, an HIV-positive man in Hamilton was charged with aggravated sexual assault after his ex-partner alleged they had oral sex without the man disclosing his status. The ex-partner did not test positive; the charge was stayed in 2010.

Four years later, a Barrie, Ont., a woman was convicted of aggravated sexual assault, sentenced to more than three years in prison and registered as a sex offender for not disclosing her HIV-positive status before having vaginal sex without a condom. The woman was on antiretroviral medication, her viral load undetectable and untransmittable; her partner did not test positive. Nine years passed before her conviction was overturned, the Ontario Court of Appeal ruling that given the woman’s effective medical treatment, she was not legally obliged to disclose her status.

In 2020, the Ontario Appeals Court upheld three convictions of aggravated sexual assault for an Ontario man accused of having vaginal sex with three women without disclosing his status. There was no finding that the man infected any of the women; he wore condoms during each incident but didn’t have a low viral load during a number of those acts. The man was sentenced to 3½ years in prison.

For HIV-positive people, the prosecutions can be catastrophic.

Alexander McClelland, an assistant professor at the Institute of Criminology and Criminal Justice at Carleton University, spent time with people prosecuted for his forthcoming book, Criminalized Lives: HIV and Legal Violence.

The stories are disturbing: One man recalled being interrogated and beaten by police; another woman spoke of being locked in solitary confinement, naked. Others were vilified as HIV-positive “rapists” by prison guards, then brutalized by inmates. Some were denied HIV medication while incarcerated, growing seriously ill.

“The criminalization haunts every aspect of their lives,” said Prof. McClelland, chair of the coalition’s steering committee.

With their names broadcast through news stories and public safety warnings issued by police, many become alienated from family and friends. Others encounter employers unwilling to hire them and landlords refusing to rent to them, Prof. McClelland found.

“It isolates them in their community, where they face daily forms of harassment and violence,” he said. “These conditions ruin people’s lives.”

While prosecutions target Canadians of all genders and sexual orientations, 89 per cent of those charged were men, 63 per cent in relation to encounters they had with women. Black and Indigenous people have been disproportionately charged, convicted and incarcerated compared with white defendants. Numerous newcomers have also been deported following prosecution.

A significant proportion of those charged are heterosexual men from African, Caribbean and Black communities, according to Toronto’s Colin Johnson, who consults with Black Coalition for AIDS Prevention and the Prisoners with HIV/AIDS Support Action Network.

Some are newcomers or migrants who find themselves advised by duty counsel to plead guilty for the sake of a lesser sentence, not grasping the full scope of consequences – including the sex offender label that can follow them for the rest of their lives.

“Because in African, Caribbean and Black communities, homophobia, transphobia and HIV phobia are rampant, a lot of these people get ostracized by the very communities they would normally go to for help,” Mr. Johnson said, adding that the same stigmas keep people from getting tested and seeking treatment.

With little hope of reintegrating into society, many of these men follow a pattern from unemployment and halfway homes to isolation and depression, he said: “It’s not a pretty picture.”

Globally, Canada remains an outlier in criminalizing HIV non-disclosure. Most other countries focus instead on prosecuting people who knowingly, intentionally transmit the virus.

To lay a charge in California, for instance, prosecutors need to prove a person had specific intent to transmit HIV, and then actually transmitted the virus. In England and Wales, there is no legal obligation to disclose one’s HIV-positive status to a partner, although “reckless transmission” is illegal.

“In the case of a person who has no intent to transmit, it goes back to this notion of moral blameworthiness,” said Mr. Capretti, a human-rights lawyer. “Is this the kind of person we think is worthy of condemnation and punishment because they have this diagnosis – because they have an illness?”

Canada further deviates from other jurisdictions by charging these cases as sexual assaults.

A 1998 Supreme Court of Canada decision, R. v. Cuerrier, ruled that failing to disclose an HIV-positive status can amount to a fraud that invalidates consent – the idea being that a person can’t give consent if that consent isn’t informed. In this way, Canadian courts decided that the act of not telling is a deception on par with the violence and coercion that more often marks sexual assault.

By contrast, other countries apply general criminal law – including laws related to bodily harm – or have HIV-specific laws, according to the HIV Justice Network.

Canada has seen some movement in how these cases are handled. After former justice minister Jody Wilson-Raybould raised concerns about the overcriminalization of HIV non-disclosure, the Justice Department published a 2017 report that examined curbing such prosecutions.

Following that, in 2018, Ms. Wilson-Raybould directed federal prosecutors working in three territories to limit HIV criminalization. The directive stated officials should not prosecute HIV-positive people when they maintain a suppressed viral load because there is no realistic possibility of transmission, and that they should “generally” not prosecute when people use condoms or engage in oral sex only, because there is likely no risk of transmission. The directive also asked prosecutors to consider whether criminal charges are in the public interest.

Quebec, Ontario, Alberta and British Columbia have also issued instructions not to prosecute HIV-positive people who maintained a suppressed viral load at the time of sex, though there remains no clarity on condom use.

Beyond this patchwork of directives, advocates are pushing for greater uniformity in courtrooms across Canada. They argue that the Criminal Code must be reformed – and that only this avenue will prevent courts from relying on a tangle of inconsistent and unscientific past rulings.

In 2022, the government engaged in online consultations with experts, people living with HIV and others on reviewing the law.

In March, Justice Minister Arif Virani told The Globe and Mail editorial board that his office was working on a policy response.

“What we’re trying to do is ensure that current, modern science is reflected in terms of the way the Criminal Code is applied in cases of transmission of HIV/AIDS,” Mr. Virani said, though he would not provide a timeline for legal reform.

On May 15, Mr. Virani met with the coalition to discuss law reform efforts, saying the policy work was still continuing.

Paradoxically, the blunt instrument of the law makes HIV disclosure more fraught, critics say.

“You’re starting a relationship with a new partner – you might like to know if they’re living with HIV or any other sexually transmitted diseases. But that doesn’t mean an aggravated sexual assault charge is the appropriate response,” Ms. Symington said.

In her documentaries on HIV criminalization, Ms. Symington illuminated the challenges involved in disclosing a positive status. She’s seen numerous women charged after abusive ex-partners who knew the women had HIV reported them to police for non-disclosure.

“People can make those allegations whether they’re true or not,” Ms. Symington said. “People live in fear that any relationship that goes wrong, this could be a tool of revenge by a bitter ex-partner.”

Some abusive partners exploit the law while in relationships with HIV-positive people: “Sexual partners threaten to go to the police and claim that disclosure did not take place, as a way to control the relationship,” said Eric Mykhalovskiy, a York University professor who led early research on the public-health implications of HIV non-disclosure in Ontario.

Since judges and juries tasked with deciding whether disclosure occurred have little to work with beyond complainants’ and defendants’ competing accounts, Prof. Mykhalovskiy described HIV-positive people going to great lengths to document that a disclosure had taken place, getting their partners to sign documents, disclosing with a witness present, or alongside counsellors at HIV organizations.

Inserting criminal law into nuanced discussions about negotiating consent and HIV disclosure has undermined public-health efforts, experts say: It can deter some people from getting tested or seeking out treatment, fearful that information shared with social workers, nurses and doctors could be used against them.

“We’ve seen this in so many cases of criminalization where those medical notes end up as part of the evidence used to criminally convict a person,” Mr. Capretti said.

“There is no evidence that this assists public health,” he added. “Criminal law and public-health policy are not natural partners.”

Years of criminalization has left some living with HIV fearful and frequently second guessing their intimate relationships.

It’s a calculus Toronto’s Mr. Johnson navigated in his personal life, after being diagnosed with HIV in 1984.

“I remember for years, I did not have sex with anybody unless they were HIV positive,” he said.

While he came to accept these limitations, he watched others who were just coming out struggle. News of HIV-positive people being charged in the late 80s and early 90s heightened fear, he said: “It had a negative impact on our psyche in so many ways.”

Mr. Johnson said it took him close to 20 years to accept that he would not die of AIDS-related illness. The arrival of effective antiretroviral treatments greatly improved quality of life for HIV-positive people. On the prevention front, the advent of PrEP (pre-exposure prophylaxis) significantly decreased the risk of infection among the HIV-negative.

Mr. Johnson continues antiretroviral treatment, as he has for decades. The people he dates are typically on PrEP; everyone in his circles is well aware of the modern medical realities of the virus. On his positive status, he’s transparent: “I’m very open and upfront.”

It’s a contemporary experience of living with HIV that stands in stark contrast to the public’s understanding of the virus, which remains limited.

“The average person doesn’t know about undetectable equals untransmissable, and unfortunately, with sex education these days, people aren’t going to know about that,” Ms. Symington said. “People still have Philadelphia, they still have Rock Hudson in their heads. These are the images. It causes a panic.”

These erroneous, outdated ideas should be purged from Canadian law, she said.

“This is a relic from the past. We need to stop the injustice in HIV non-disclosure and start thinking about how to educate people on healthy relationships and healthy sexual lives.”

Health and the law in Canada: More reading

B.C.’s experiment in decriminalized drug use hit a big setback last month after complaints about consumption in public. Reporter Justine Hunter spoke with The Decibel about what that means for harm-reduction policies across Canada. Subscribe for more episodes.

 

US: Shelby County, Tennessee, will no longer prosecute people living with HIV under Tennessee’s aggravated prostitution law

Justice Department Secures Agreement with Shelby County, Tennessee, District Attorney General to Cease Enforcement of State Law that Discriminates Against People with HIV

The Justice Department announced today that the Shelby County, Tennessee, District Attorney General (DA) has agreed to cease prosecution of individuals living with human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) under Tennessee’s aggravated prostitution law. The DA will also adopt reforms to correct discrimination against people living with HIV who were subjected to discriminatory and harsher penalties under the law.

This agreement resolves the Justice Department’s finding that the Shelby County DA violated the Americans with Disabilities Act (ADA) by enforcing Tennessee’s aggravated prostitution law that imposed enhanced criminal penalties based on a person’s HIV status. The prosecutions were carried out without consideration of risk of transmitting HIV, and the harsher penalties included being charged with a felony (as opposed to a misdemeanor) and being required to register for life as a sex offender.

“Living with HIV is not a crime and the continued enforcement of laws that criminalize a person based on their HIV status, regardless of risk, perpetuate bias, stereotypes and ignorance about HIV,” said Assistant Attorney General Kristen Clarke of the Justice Department’s Civil Rights Division.  “We are pleased that Shelby County District Attorney has agreed to cease enforcement of this discriminatory law, and that future prosecution decisions will reflect the significant advances made in HIV prevention and treatment, consistent with the ADA.”

Under this agreement, the DA will not prosecute individuals under the aggravated prostitution law or for violations of the sex offender registry requirements that have resulted from prior convictions under that law. The DA will also notify anyone eligible of their ability to petition for vacatur of their convictions, termination of the remainder of their sentences and elimination of fees owed.

This agreement also requires the Shelby County DA to adopt policies and train prosecuting attorneys on the ADA’s anti-discrimination requirements relating to HIV, a disability under the ADA. Under the agreement, the DA will also report its compliance with the agreement to the department.

Uganda: Constitutional court dismisses argument that STI law contravenes provisions of the Constitution

Court dismisses petition challenging venereal disease law

The Constitutional Court has dismissed a petition in which health rights activists were challenging the legality of the Venereal Diseases Act, reasoning that the law has since been repealed. The Venereal Diseases Act was enacted in 1977 and provided for the examination and treatment of persons infected with venereal diseases and for other matters connected therewith or incidental thereto.

Venereal diseases are those typically contracted by sexual intercourse with a person already infected, such as chlamydia, genital herpes, gonorrhea, HIV, HPV, and syphilis, among others. In a unanimous judgment, a five-member panel of justices held that it is futile to engage in a discourse regarding the constitutionality of the provisions of the Venereal Diseases Act after the repeal of the Act hence there is no live controversy before the court.

“In essence, while at the time the petition was filed it raised a question for the interpretation of the Constitution, by the time we heard the matter and delivered the judgment, the Act had been repealed. This means that the matters in controversy are moot,” held the judges who included Fredrick Egonda -Ntende, Catherine Bamugemereire, Irene Mulyagonja, Monica Mugenyi, and Christopher Gashirabake.

The court explained that having had a careful look at the Public Health Act of Uganda, it was found that at the time the petition was filed, the Venereal Disease Act was still good law but on March 24, 2023, the amendment to the Public Health Act 2O23 came into force and the disputed law was repealed.

Health rights body, Center for Health, Human Rights and Development (CEHURD) had sued the Attorney General (AG) challenging the provisions of the Venereal Disease Act Cap 284 for contravening provisions of the 1995 Constitution.

Through its lawyers, CEHURD had argued that the Uganda Law Reform Commission was duty-bound and therefore, ought to have studied, reviewed, and made recommendations for the systematic improvement, modernization, and reform of the Venereal Diseases Act as mandated under section 10 of the Uganda Law Reform Commission Act Cap 26.

It was further argued that as a result of the actions and, or inaction on the part of the ULRC, the law was inconsistent with and in contravention of Article 248 of the Constitution.

The petitioner had argued that Section 2 of the Venereal Diseases Act is inconsistent with and in contravention of Articles 8A (1), 21(1) (a), 45 and Objectives XIV (b) and XX of the National Objectives and Directive Principles of State Policy of the Constitution.

They had also alleged that sections 3(1), (2), (3) and (4) of the Venereal Diseases Act are inconsistent with and in contravention of Articles 8A (1), 21(2), 24, 27(1), 27(2), 28(1), 42, 43(a), 44(c), 45 and objectives XIV (b) and XX of the National Objectives and Directive Principles of State Policy of the Constitution.

Court documents show that section 5 of the Act is inconsistent with and in contravention of Articles 8A(1), 21(2), 23(1), (2), 24, 27(2), 43(2)(C), 44(a), 45 and Objectives XIV (b) and XX of the National Objectives and Directive Principles of State Policy of the Constitution.
But the AG had argued that section 2 of the Venereal Diseases Act which provides for the examination of persons infected or suspected to be infected with venereal diseases is consistent with Article 8A of the Constitution which provides that Uganda shall be governed based on principles of national interest and common good enshrined in the National Objectives and Directive Principles of State Policy.

US: NYCLU strongly supports the REPEAL STI Discrimination Act and encourages its expedient passage

Repeal STI Discrimination Act

While New York has made considerable progress in reducing the prevalence of HIV over the last decade, the COVID-19 pandemic exacerbated hurdles to HIV prevention, testing, and treatment. Moreover, New York continues to see stark disparities in HIV’s impact with Black, Indigenous, and other New Yorkers of color, as well as transgender New Yorkers and young men who have sex with men, bearing the brunt of the epidemic. Repealing New York’s HIV and sexually-transmitted infection (STI) criminalization law, Public Health Law § 2307, is a critical step toward ending the epidemic.

The NYCLU strongly supports the REPEAL STI Discrimination Act and encourages its expedient passage.

2023 – 2024 Legislative Memorandum

REPEAL STI Discrimination Act
S.4603-A (Hoylman-Sigal) / A.3347-A (Gonzalez-Rojas)

Position: SUPPORT

While New York has made considerable progress in reducing the prevalence of HIV over the last decade 1, the COVID-19 pandemic exacerbated hurdles to HIV prevention, testing, and treatment. Moreover, New York continues to see stark disparities in HIV’s impact with Black, Indigenous, and other New Yorkers of color, as well as transgender New Yorkers and young men who have sex with men, bearing the brunt of the epidemic.2

Repealing New York’s HIV and sexually-transmitted infection (STI) criminalization law, Public Health Law § 2307, is a critical step toward ending the epidemic.

Laws that criminalize people living with HIV/AIDS and STIs discourage people from learning and disclosing their status, ignore science, harm patient relationships with counselors and doctors, and perpetuate stigma. Recognizing these realities, 12 states have amended or repealed their laws criminalizing HIV/AIDS since 2014. New York must join them by passing the REPEAL STI Discrimination Act, S.4603-A (Hoylman-Sigal) / A.3347-A (Gonzalez-Rojas), which would repeal Public Health Law § 2307 and expunge past convictions under the law. The NYCLU strongly supports this bill and urges its immediate passage.

At present, New York criminalizes people for having sex if they have an STI. This crime carries no intent requirement and no transmission requirement, and open disclosure to one’s partners is no defense. Defense attorneys report that New York prosecutors have weaponized this statute to prosecute people living with HIV who have sex.

This is bad public policy. STI criminalization undermines public health and disproportionately impacts communities of color, particularly LGBTQ+ communities of color. For these reasons, the NYCLU strongly supports the REPEAL STI Discrimination Act and encourages its expedient passage.

1 New York State Budget and Policy Priorities NYS Fiscal Year 2025, Ending the Epidemic 2 (Nov. 2023).
2 Id.

US: Republican lawmaker introduces two bills in Ohio to change HIV Criminalisation laws

Advocates for Ohioans living with HIV find hope in two bills from a Republican sponsor

The Statehouse News Bureau | By Karen Kasler

A Republican state lawmaker has introduced a pair of bills to change the laws related to HIV and AIDS. They would repeal existing state laws that criminalize not disclosing one’s HIV status, including the law that makes it a crime for a person with HIV to donate blood.

Advocates say Ohio has HIV status disclosure and exposure laws that don’t relate to how the virus is transmitted, so they unfairly target HIV-positive people but don’t increase testing or safe sex. An HIV-positive person who doesn’t disclose their status before sexual conduct can face a felonious assault charge, a second-degree felony. State law also says an HIV-positive person who exposes a corrections or law enforcement officer to bodily fluids such as spit can be charged with a third-degree felony, though saliva is not a known transmitter of the virus.

House Bill 513 would repeal criminal statutes related to disclosure of HIV status. House Bill 498 would decriminalize donating blood by people with HIV, though they would still be ineligible to do so. (Donated blood is always screened for HIV, hepatitis B and hepatitis C, along with other viruses and bacteria.)

Some treatments are making HIV undetectable and untransmittable. But people living with HIV say existing laws make them feel compelled to preemptively disclose their status.

“When you tell someone you have just tested positive for HIV and the conversation ends there and that person begins planning a funeral because of beliefs that have been passed on from the ’80s,” said Francesca Schumann of Columbus, who has been living with HIV for 25 years. “We need to show you can have a productive life with without interfering…because these laws prevent people from having healthy, quality, stable, loving relationships.”

Randle Moore of Dayton is a member of the Ohio Health Modernization Movement, which is advocating to change HIV-related laws.

“As a person living with HIV for the past 17 years, I have experienced many different stigmas as it relates to the Ohio law and the current laws that are in place, which has helped aid in my sometimes not wanting to share my status with individuals for fear of the repercussions that currently are on the books,” said Moore.

Rep. Sara Carruthers (R-Hamilton), who leaves office in December after losing her primary, is the sole sponsor of both bills. Thirteen states have changed their HIV laws, including Michigan, Iowa, Georgia and Virginia.

China: People living with HIV in Chongqing to be held criminally liable in cases of alleged HIV transmission

Southwest China’s Chongqing steps up efforts to crackdown on intentional spreading of HIV/AIDS

Southwest China’s Chongqing Municipality will accelerate the revision of the city’s regulations on the prevention and control of sexually transmitted diseases and HIV/AIDS in addressing incidents of intentional spreading of the disease occurring from times in recent years, which has made the situation of the disease prevention and control grim.

Chongqing Municipal Health Commission recently replied to a proposal put forward by a local people’s congress deputy on the prevention and control of intentional spreading of HIV/AIDS.

According to the commission, the revised regulations put forward new requirements for HIV/AIDS prevention and control.

Statistics from the Chinese Center for Disease Control and Prevention show that China has 1.22 million people living with HIV/AIDS as of the end of 2022, reporting 418,000 deaths linked to the disease, with infection and mortality rates both at relatively low levels on the globe.

In China, AIDS transmission through blood transfusions has been basically blocked, and transmission through intravenous drug use and mother-to-child transmission have been effectively curbed, according to the National Health Commission (NHC).

The NHC has made arrangements for combating transmission through sexual contact, the main mode of transmission currently in China, vowing to step up cracking down on violations and crimes related to HIV/AIDS transmission, among other prevention and treatment measures.

Meanwhile, sporadic cases of intentional spreading of HIV/AIDS have been reported from across the country from time to time in recent years. In 2022, a court in Changsha, Central China’s Hunan Province announced a ruling on a case in which a woman surnamed Yin engaged in prostitution without taking any protective measures for all that she had known herself infected with HIV/AIDS. Her behavior was identified as spreading sexually transmitted diseases, and she was sentenced to one year and four months in prison and was fined 5,000 yuan ($690).

The Chongqing Municipal Government convened in December 2023 a meeting with multiple departments, proposing to expedite the revision of the “Chongqing Municipality Regulations on the Prevention and Control of Sexually Transmitted Diseases and HIV/AIDS.”

The local legislature has listed the revision of the regulation in its health legislation plan during the 14th Five-Year Plan (2021-25).

The municipal health commission has conducted in-depth analyses of the HIV/AIDS prevention and control in Chongqing through questionnaire surveys and expert discussions. They formulated targeted recommendations from five aspects ranging from legislative framework, government department responsibilities, publicity and education, patient rights and obligations to the prevention and control system, compiling the background materials for the revision of the regulation.

Besides, the commission studied and drew lessons from the local regulations on HIV/AIDS prevention and control issued by other provinces including Yunnan, Sichuan, Jiangsu and Zhejiang. They also combined the exchanges between Sichuan and Chongqing on HIV/AIDS prevention and control work, and reviewed cases of combating intentional transmission of HIV/AIDS by infected individuals in cities such as Chengdu and Guang’an in Sichuan.

Next step, the municipal health commission will collaborate with relevant departments to conduct research and strengthen the demonstration during the legislation, expecting to enhance the standardization and legal management level of HIV/AIDS prevention and control.

The commission revealed that since efforts of HIV/AIDS testing for individuals involved in prostitution and drug-related activities vary across districts and counties, they will collaborate with the public security departments, strengthen HIV/AIDS testing for such personnel, and crack down on those suspected of intentionally spreading HIV/AIDS in accordance with the laws.

A campaign on prevention and control of HIV/AIDS launched in Chongqing between 2023 and 2025 has made it clear that the public security, judicial, and health departments should strengthen cooperation in the HIV/AIDS testing on all the individuals involved in prostitution and drug-related activities captured by the public security department at designated medical institutions. In 2023, a total of 4,341 suspects were tested, an increase of 37.2 percent on that of the 2022.

Chongqing has strengthened the HIV/AIDS testing at local medical institutions, with 12.75 million people tested in 2023 in accordance with provider-initiated HIV testing and counseling, a year-on-year increase of 93.6 percent from that of 2022. The city’s HIV/AIDS testing coverage rate for the entire local population was 39.7 percent, far exceeding its annual target.

Taking initiative to provide HIV/AIDS testing services by medical institutions at all levels is the main channel for identifying HIV/AIDS-infected individuals in the city, according to the municipal health commission.

In Chongqing, patients of or individuals infected with sexually transmitted diseases and HIV/AIDS patients who engage in prostitution, solicitation of prostitutes, or drug taking activities, leading to the spreading of sexually transmitted diseases or HIV/AIDS, shall be investigated and dealt with by public security organs in accordance with the law. They will be held accountable for criminal responsibility if their behaviors constitute crimes.

US: Oklahoma looking at additional criminalisation of sexually transmitted infections

Oklahoma lawmakers want to criminalize spread of genital herpes, chlamydia, HPV and other STDs

Critics say bill will deter people from getting the necessary testing and treatment, which will increase the spread of sexually transmitted infections.

Oklahoma lawmakers are seeking to criminalize the spread of several more sexually transmitted diseases, a move critics say could turn nearly every resident into a felon.

House Bill 3098 adds chlamydia, Hepatitis B, genital herpes, trichomoniasis, and human papillomavirus (HPV) infections to the list of sexually transmitted diseases (STDs) that are illegal to knowingly or recklessly spread.

Anyone who does so would be guilty of a felony and could face between two and five years in prison. Previously only smallpox, syphilis and gonorrhea were on the list.

Rep. Toni Hasenbeck, R-Elgin, the bill’s House author, said she’s been studying domestic abuse. She said she heard from women who said men had knowingly infected them with several of the diseases.

Some of the STDs cause infertility, liver damage and miscarriage, Hasenbeck said.

“This particular piece of legislation is about putting a man in jail who chooses to knowingly and willfully infect a woman with a sexually transmitted disease,” Hasenbeck said.

She said the measure is not designed to impede any health or outreach efforts designed to stem the spread of STIs. Health experts said Oklahoma ranks No. 11 for rates of chlamydia and in the top five for gonorrhea and syphilis transmission.

“I’m not judge, jury and executioner,” Hasenbeck said recently as Democratic lawmakers peppered her with questions about the proposed criminalization expansion. “I’m a lawmaker, and we had a hole in our statute that I am trying to repair to protect Oklahomans.”

She said her measure could encourage people to get testing and treatment, or to practice abstinence if they’re “that worried about going to jail.”

But Jeff Burdge fears the bill would do the opposite.

The bill will deter people from getting the necessary testing and treatment, which is going to increase the spread of sexually transmitted infections (STIs) because of fears that positive tests could open someone up to prosecution, said Burdge, a spokesman for H.O.P.E. Testing, a Tulsa-based nonprofit that provides education and low-cost testing for infectious sexual diseases.

He said 87% of Oklahomans will contract HPV in their lifetime, he said. No test exists to diagnose it in men, he said.

“That’s a bill that would potentially turn nearly every Oklahoman into a felon,” he said.

He said the bill doesn’t define “reckless,” opening the door to unnecessary prosecutions.

“Many Oklahomans aren’t even aware of what STIs are or how to best prevent them and what resources are available out there,” he said. “It’s not a good bill. Not well written. It’s not going to be good for the state.”

But he said the measure is part of a broader national trend attacking sexual health.

The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention reported that 34 states had criminalized HIV or STD exposure in 2023. Laws targeting HIV transmission are often outdated and increase stigma and may discourage testing, the agency reported.

Rep. Mauree Turner, D-Oklahoma City, questioned why lawmakers are looking at additional criminalization instead of increasing access to health care or funding science-based research.

“You think the solution to that is criminalization, is putting people in prison, not making sure that we destigmatize health care so folks get access to it,” Turner said.

The measure cleared the House and is awaiting a vote by the full Senate.


Criminalizing people did not work to stop HIV transmission, and it will not decrease STIs.

Opinion piece from Taryn Norman and Nathan Cisneros – The Oklahoman – 21 April 2024

In 2022, over 30,000 Oklahomans — young and old, in cities and rural communities — received a sexually transmitted infection (STI) diagnosis. Most STIs are common and easily treatable. Yet, Oklahoma is just one vote away from criminalizing the transmission of the most common STIs, including chlamydia, human papillomavirus (HPV) and herpes. People found guilty face two to five years in prison.

Criminalizing people did not work to stop HIV transmission, and it will not work if we expand it to STIs. As experts in public health and HIV, we call on Oklahoma lawmakers to learn from the data and the history of criminalizing STIs. House Bill 3098 will likely increase transmissions and decrease testing — exactly the opposite of the bill’s intent.

Every year, Health Outreach Prevention Education (HOPE) in Tulsa provides critical sexually transmitted infections testing and treatment for thousands of Oklahomans. The need is great because STIs are very common. For example, an estimated 85% of people will contract HPV in their lifetime. But we do not have a reliable test for HPV in cisgender men, which means the new law could only criminalize women — the group at highest risk for HPV-related cancers. (Fortunately, we have a vaccine for all youth that can provide good protection against the most common forms of HPV.)

We know where the criminalization of STIs leads. HIV criminal laws have increased fear and stigma and can decrease testing and treatment. This fear is often summarized as “Take the test, risk arrest.” But it gets worse. A felony conviction means a person can be barred from holding public office. They can be denied jobs or housing and lose access to social services. And Black people are disproportionately likely to be criminalized because of their HIV status.

Learning from past legislation

Oklahoma’s HIV criminal law has not prevented one of the highest rates of new rural HIV diagnoses in the country. Rates of late testing for HIV in Oklahomans are also high. Fortunately, today, HIV is now a manageable, treatable chronic disease, but only if people can access testing and treatment.

For these reasons, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, American Medical Association, National Alliance of State and Territorial AIDS Directors (NASTAD), National Association of County & City Health Officials (NACCHO), U.S. Conference of Mayors, the U.S. Department of Justice, and many other organizations have all called for states to repeal or reform their HIV-related criminal laws.

Criminalizing STIs is also expensive. Oklahoma already has one of the nation’s highest incarceration rates, and the state spends $28,500 annually for every person incarcerated. Compare that to the cost of under $200 to treat many of the STIs HB 3098 seeks to criminalize. Those resources would be better spent on health care, including STI prevention, testing and treatment.

The Legislature’s goal should be creating healthier communities by removing barriers to prevention, testing and treatment for Oklahomans. Health care, not punishment, is the answer to treating and reducing the spread of STIs. Smart policies and investments in community health can help ensure we all have the health care we need, no matter who we are or where we live.

Taryn Norman is the executive director of Health Outreach Prevention Education Inc. (HOPE) in Tulsa. Nathan Cisneros is the HIV criminalization project director at the Williams Institute at UCLA School of Law.

Death penalty for unintentional HIV transmission via same-sex sex struck down by Uganda’s Constitutional Court

The recent (April 3rd) ruling by Uganda’s Constitutional Court declaring that the Anti Homosexuality Act of 2023 complies with the Constitution of Uganda – except in only four aspects – was quite rightly roundly condemned by Amnesty International, the Global Fund, Human Rights Watch, International AIDS Society, and UNAIDS, as well as the US Department of State, amongst many others.

Rather than strike down every section of this heinous, draconian anti-gay law, the Court was unanimous in ruling that most of its dangerous, overly broad, and problematic provisions remain in place. 

However, in its 200+ page ruling, the Court did find that Sections 3(2)(c), 9, 11(2d) and 14 did not “pass constitutional muster” and were struck down.

Sections 9 and 11(2d) refer to landlords allowing homosexuality to take place on their premises, and section 14 refers to a “duty to report acts of homosexuality” to the police.

But section 3(2)(c) was one of the most heinous of all of the Act’s horrendous provisions, proscribing the death penalty for someone living with HIV who engaged in same-sex sex and where HIV is allegedly passed on.

  1. Aggravated homosexuality (1) A person who commits the offence of homosexuality in any of the circumstances specified in subsection (2) commits the offence of aggravated homosexuality and is liable, on conviction, to suffer death. (2) (c) the person against whom the offence is committed contracts a terminal illness as a result of the sexual act.

Read the full text of the law here

Both the Court, several petitioners, and UNAIDS – who provided an amicus brief to the Court – correctly interpreted this section as criminalising unintentional HIV transmission when two people of the same sex had sex.

In paragraphs 510-512, the Court referred to several key documents – including the 2011 Report of the Special Rapporteur on the right of everyone to the enjoyment of the highest attainable standard of physical and mental health and UNAIDS 2013 Guidance Note, Ending overly broad criminalisation of HIV non-disclosure, exposure and transmission: Critical scientific, medical and legal considerations – and were persuaded that the section did not provide for “the element of criminal intent or mens rea, which is a vital component of the concept of crime.”

The Constitutional Court ruling went on to say:

“This indeed is the approach that was adopted in section 43 of the HIV and AIDS Prevention and Control Act, 2015, which criminalizes the intentional transmission of HIV as follows: ‘a person who wilfully and intentionally transmits HIV to another person commits an offence.’

“Finding no justification for the criminalization of the unintentional transmission of HIV under section 3(2)(c) of the Anti-Homosexuality Act we take the view that it compounds the susceptibility of persons that are HIV+ to mental health issues and thus impedes their right to enjoy the highest attainable standard of mental health, with potential ramifications to their physical health as well. This is a violation of the right to health as envisaged under Article 12(1) of the ICESCR and is inconsistent with Articles 45 and 287 of the Uganda Constitution.”

 

However, people living with HIV are already over-criminalised in Uganda by various sections of the HIV and AIDS Prevention and Control Act, as summarised in our Global HIV Criminalisation Database.

What is termed as “wilful and intentional” transmission of HIV is punishable by a fine and/or up to ten years’ imprisonment. Section 43 provides a defence if the accused’s partner was aware of, and accepted, the risk of transmission, or transmission occurred during sexual intercourse and protective measures were used. Attempted transmission is punishable by a fine and/or up to five years’ imprisonment. The scope of section 41 is undefined, but cases demonstrate that the law criminalises perceived HIV ‘exposure’ broadly.

Both Section 41 and 43 are known to have been used in a broad range of circumstances, including prosecution of a man for ‘defilement’ (2013), prosecution of a teacher for alleged transmission to his student (2013), the alleged injection of a toddler/needle stick injury (2014), alleged transmission by a woman to a number of young men (2014), alleged breastfeeding of an employer’s child (2018), the arrest, conviction and acquittal of a nurse wrongfully convicted of injecting a baby with HIV-infected blood (2018), and the alleged defilement of a boy by a woman (2019). An earlier prosecution from 2008 involved a man charged with alleged transmission. In the most recent case in 2023, a woman living with HIV pled guilty to charges under section 43 after injecting her 5-year-old son with her blood and was sentenced to seven years’ imprisonment. Cases have generally not used scientific evidence to prove allegations, with convictions at lower-level courts relying only on testimony.

Nevertheless, the recognition of key legal and rights-based arguments against punishing unintentional HIV transmission with the death penalty(!) as part of an otherwise anti-rights, morality-based ruling should be seen as a small but welcome victory. Although this might be seen as similar to the 2022 Lesotho High Court decision on the unconstitutionality of the death penalty in the context of HIV transmission following rape, the difference of course is that that rape is an act of violence that should be criminalised regardless of any other circumstances, whereas consensual sex between two men or two women should never, ever be a crime.