US: Hillary Clinton: "We should call on states to reform outdated and stigmatizing HIV criminalization laws."

Yesterday, at Nancy Reagan’s funeral, I said something inaccurate when speaking about the Reagans’ record on HIV and AIDS. Since then, I’ve heard from countless people who were devastated by the loss of friends and loved ones, and hurt and disappointed by what I said. As someone who has also lost friends and loved ones to AIDS, I understand why. I made a mistake, plain and simple.

I want to use this opportunity to talk not only about where we’ve come from, but where we must go in the fight against HIV and AIDS.

To be clear, the Reagans did not start a national conversation about HIV and AIDS. That distinction belongs to generations of brave lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender people, along with straight allies, who started not just a conversation but a movement that continues to this day.

The AIDS crisis in America began as a quiet, deadly epidemic. Because of discrimination and disregard, it remained that way for far too long. When many in positions of power turned a blind eye, it was groups like ACT UP, Gay Men’s Health Crisis and others that came forward to shatter the silence — because as they reminded us again and again, Silence = Death. They organized and marched, held die-ins on the steps of city halls and vigils in the streets. They fought alongside a few courageous voices in Washington, like U.S. Representative Henry Waxman, who spoke out from the floor of Congress.

Then there were all the people whose names we don’t often hear today — the unsung heroes who fought on the front lines of the crisis, from hospital wards and bedsides, some with their last breath. Slowly, too slowly, ignorance was crowded out by information. People who had once closed their eyes opened their hearts.

If not for those advocates, activists, and ordinary, heroic people, we would not be where we are in preventing and treating HIV and AIDS. Their courage — and their refusal to accept silence as the status quo — saved lives.

We’ve come a long way. But we still have work to do to eradicate this disease for good and to erase the stigma that is an echo of a shameful and painful period in our country’s history.

This issue matters to me deeply. And I’ve always tried to do my part in the fight against this disease, and the stigma and pain that accompanies it. At the 1992 Democratic National Convention, when my husband accepted the nomination for president, we marked a break with the past by having two HIV-positive speakers — the first time that ever happened at a national convention. As First Lady, I brought together world leaders to strategize and coordinate efforts to take on HIV and AIDS around the world. In the Senate, I put forward legislation to expand global AIDS research and assistance and to increase prevention and education, and I proudly voted for the creation of PEPFAR and to defend and protect the Ryan White Act. And as secretary of state, I launched a campaign to usher in an AIDS-free generation through prevention and treatment, targeting the populations at greatest risk of contracting HIV.

The AIDS crisis looks very different today. There are more options for treatment and prevention than ever before. More people with HIV are leading full and happy lives. But HIV and AIDS are still with us. They continue to disproportionately impact communities of color, transgender people, young people and gay and bisexual men. There are still 1.2 million people living with HIV in the United States today, with about 50,000 people newly diagnosed each year. In Sub-Saharan Africa, almost 60 percent of people with HIV are women and girls. Even though the tools exist to end this epidemic once and for all, there are still far too many people dying today.

That is absolutely inexcusable.

I believe there’s even more we can — and must — do together. For starters, let’s continue to increase HIV and AIDS research and invest in the promising innovations that research is producing. Medications like PrEP are proving effective in preventing HIV infection; we should expand access to that drug for everyone, including at-risk populations. We should call on Republican governors to put people’s health and well-being ahead of politics and extend Medicaid, which would provide health care to those with HIV and AIDS.

We should call on states to reform outdated and stigmatizing HIV criminalization laws. We should increase global funding for HIV and AIDS prevention and treatment. And we should cap out-of-pocket expenses and drug costs—and hold companies like Turing and Valeant accountable when they attempt to gouge patients by jacking up the price of lifesaving medications.

We’re still surrounded by memories of loved ones lost and lives cut short. But we’re also surrounded by survivors who are fighting harder than ever. We owe it to them and to future generations to continue that fight together. For the first time, an AIDS-free generation is in sight. As president, I promise you that I will not let up until we reach that goal. We will not leave anyone behind.

Australia: New campaign launched by state PLHIV organisation to amend HIV disclosure requirement in New South Wales’ Public Health Act

Positive Life’s Communications and Policy Officer, Scott Harlum (pictured), explains why the organisation will advocate for changes to HIV disclosure requirements in the Public Health Act as part of the review.

The Public Health Act is a key piece of NSW legislation which impacts the lived experience of people living with HIV. For many years, Positive Life has advocated for a number of key changes to the Act to reflect the current reality of HIV as a chronic manageable health condition, to better support efforts to end HIV transmission and to acknowledge prevention of HIV transmission is a shared responsibility regardless of sero-status. With charges under the Crimes Act laid against a man relating to the alleged infection of another man in January, now unrelated accusations against a sex worker extradited to Western Australia, Positive Life will again advocate for change to the Public Health Act as part of a required review of the legislation.

Despite an update in 2010, Positive Life argues some sections of the Public Health Act need change, and even removal from the Act to protect the interests of people living with HIV, reduce stigma and discrimination and enhance HIV prevention and testing in the broader community. A key example is the removal of Section 79, known as the ‘disclosure provision’.

Section 79 requires anyone who knows they have a sexually transmissible infection (STI) including HIV to inform a person before they have sex, and for that person to voluntarily accept the risk of acquiring that infection. In NSW, if you are HIV-positive and don’t disclose your status before sex you are guilty of an offence under the Act. The requirement to disclose your HIV status before sex hasn’t changed from the 1991 version of the Act, except for the inclusion of a ‘reasonable precautions’ provision.

This provision provides a defence to prosecution if ‘reasonable precautions’ have been taken during sex to prevent transmission. However, the definition of ‘reasonable precautions’ remains unclear and this amendment falls short of the current reality of HIV. Removing Section 79 will provide a more comprehensive approach to the rights and responsibilities of the community regardless of sero-status.

With today’s HIV treatments, if a HIV-positive person is on treatments and has an ‘undetectable viral load’, the chances of condomless sex resulting in HIV infection are extremely low. However under the current Section 79, without change to the law or a court deciding that an undetectable viral load is a ‘reasonable precaution’, a person with HIV could still be committing an offence under the Act for not disclosing their status before sex.

Under Section 79, criminalising HIV discourages testing and encourages anonymous sex. Put simply, if you don’t know you have HIV you cannot be found guilty of an offence under the Act for not disclosing your status. Equally, anonymous sex reduces your chances of being identified for prosecution. In an era where more than 90% of people with HIV are on treatment and have an undetectable viral load, people who are infected with HIV but unaware of their status are more of a risk for transmission than people on treatment with a suppressed viral load.

Fear of prosecution inhibits honesty with sexual partners and medical providers, so Section 79 may actually increase the transmission of HIV and other STIs, rather than decrease it. An honest and open relationship with our doctor is crucial to maintain good health regardless of our sero-status. For example, contracting an STI such as gonorrhoea is a risk for anyone who is sexually active, and if the symptoms are hidden, we don’t know we’ve picked up an STI. If we can’t speak openly about the sex we have, it’s likely we won’t be tested for STIs and instead transmit any unknown infection to others.

Under Section 79, forced disclosure of our status as a person with HIV can encourage HIV-related stigma and discrimination, both real and perceived. Disclosure of our status as a person with HIV can, in rare circumstances, lead to violence. More often forced disclosure leads to rejection, loss of control over who knows of our status, discrimination on the basis of our status, or the premature ending of relationships.

Section 79 as it stands does not account for PrEP. Today, many HIV-negative people are already importing pre-exposure prophylaxis or ‘PrEP’, and following the announcement on World AIDS Day last year of an expanded trial of the HIV-prevention medication, many more will be taking PrEP as the trial is rolled out in coming months. A benefit of PrEP is it encourages HIV-negative people to take control of their own health and reduce their own risk of acquiring HIV. Reducing HIV transmission is a shared responsibility and Positive Life believes this principle should be reflected in the Public Health Act.

With the coming review of the Public Health Act, Positive Life will share more about other changes we believe should be made to the Act to reflect the modern reality of HIV as an ongoing manageable health condition. In the meantime, if you have questions or comments about our proposed changes to HIV disclosure requirements in the Act, please make contact on 1800 245 677 (freecall) or by email.

Originally published on Gay News Network

Mexico: Human Rights Commission files motion before Supreme Court arguing Veracruz law criminalising 'wilful transmission' of HIV and STIs is unconstitutional

Because the amendment to Article 158 of the Criminal Code of Veracruz, called “contagion” criminalizes the transmission of sexually transmitted infections, and establishes a sentence ranging from 6 months to 5 years in prison and a fine of up to 50 days’ pay for those who “willfully” infecting another person sexually transmitted disease, a contravention of Article 1 of the Constitution of the United States Mexicans, at 24 of the American Convention on Human Rights and 26 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, the National Commission on Human Rights (CNDH) filed a motion before the Supreme Court of Justice of the Nation.

That article, which provides between these infections to HIV and human papillomavirus, he was published in the Official Journal of Veracruz on 1 December and, according to the CNDH, is discriminatory because it “generates    a    differentiation    unnecessary    and unjustified that becomes discriminatory. ”

This, because, argues the CNDH, the new content of the article “generates a discriminatory treatment in Subject to the people, and that criminalize putting willful in danger of disease transmission, generates two assumptions: that it is sexually transmitted infections and cases of serious disease. ”

According to the document, this situation leads to “different treatment for sexually transmitted infections with respect any other illness, by the than is rock specifically the condition health perpetrator when he suffers STDs, generating    so    a    distinction    legal    between    Who    suffer    a    disease acquired by sexually transmitted Y those with any other disease acquired through diverse. ”

In addition, it is emphasized that the amendment does not meet the objective of preventing argued transmission of STIs against women and girls, finding themselves in vulnerable situations, but caused a differentiation based on the condition of true kind from infections, in East case from sexually transmitted, and describe them as serious, a fact that is not real, because not all infections of this court are serious.

Thus, the declaration of unconstitutionality of the article is requested and all those rules than are related.

Thus, the CNDH responded to the request of the Multisectoral Group on HIV / AIDS and STIs of Veracruz and other civil society organizations, which have stated that “the international guidelines on HIV and Human Rights based on evidence scientific point to legislate and punish not prevent new infections or reduce women’s vulnerability and what we do accomplish is a negative impact on public health and human rights. ”

It is expected that in the coming weeks the Supreme Court of Justice of the Nation attracts unconstitutionality for discussion and analysis.

UK: Law Commission considers HIV criminalisation in great depth, but recommends no change for HIV/STI prosecutions in England & Wales, pending a wider review

Following a scoping consultation which ran from autumn 2014 to spring 2015, the Law Commission (of England and Wales) has now published its report containing their final recommendations to the UK Government.

It recommends the adoption of a modified version of a 1998 draft Bill to replace the outdated Offences Against the Person Act 1861.

However, whereas the 1998 Bill only criminalised intentional disease transmission, their recommendation is to keep the existing law relating to HIV and other serious diseases ((based on Dica and Konzani and clarified through prosecutorial policy and guidelines) which criminalises reckless as well as intentional disease transmission, pending a wider review.

Both in the scoping consultation paper and in this report, we have considered the criminalisation of disease transmission at great length. Many consultees supported fundamental reform of the law in this area. However, we conclude that the issues were more complex than time or space allowed without delaying the main aim of reforming the law of offences against the person. For this reason, we suggest modifications to the draft Bill to preserve the present position pending a wider review involving more input from healthcare professionals and bodies.

The full report, (chapter six: ‘transmission of disease’ is excerpted in full below), includes a detailed discussion of their proposals and the responses of 35 concerned stakeholders (most of them experts in law, public health and human rights. The HIV Justice Network was one of them, and our opinions are quoted throughout.)

The entire report is of interest not just to those working on this issue in England & Wales, but globally.  It rehearses, in great detail, nearly all of the arguments for and against HIV (and other STI) prosecutions, and finds that “there is a strong body of opinion, especially in the medical profession and groups concerned with HIV and sexually transmissible infections, that the transmission of these diseases should never be criminal unless done intentionally.”

The report helpfully summarises the five main arguments against overly broad HIV criminalisation:

(1)  an offence of reckless transmission encourages people to choose not to be tested, so as not to have the awareness of risk that might constitute recklessness;

(2)  it discourages openness with (and by) medical professionals, because they may have to give evidence against their patients;

(3)  it encourages people to think that disclosure of HIV status is always a duty, and that if a potential partner has not mentioned his or her status then he or she is not infected;

(4)  because of the difficulty of proving transmission, the existence of the offence leads to very wide-ranging and intrusive investigations affecting a great many people, out of all proportion to the small number who will be found deserving of prosecution; and

(5)  the whole topic of HIV/AIDS is affected by an atmosphere of fear (often irrationally so), and there is still an undesirable stigma against people.

Nevertheless, although the report states that “it would be preferable to revert to the law as it stood in 1998” when prosecutions were not possible and to use the draft 1998 Bill as it stands (which would only criminalise the intentional transmisison of disease), it comes to a more conservative conclusion.

The discussion of this issue has almost exclusively concerned the transmission of disease by consensual sexual intercourse, and the transmission of HIV in particular. (Also, most of the evidence for the harmful effects of criminalisation is drawn from countries where there are specific offences concerned with HIV and STIs, and may not be relevant to the use of general offences of causing injury.) The same reasoning may well not apply to other diseases and other means of transmitting them, but the draft Bill excludes disease as a whole.

For these reasons, on the evidence we have we do not feel justified in recommending a change to the position in existing law, in which the reckless transmission of disease is in principle included in an offence of causing harm. If there is to be a change, this should follow a wider review which compares the position in different countries and gives full consideration to the transmission of diseases other than by sexual means.

Of note, and of global relevance, following a great deal of discussion (and a broad range of consultation responses) regarding whether not to create an HIV/STI-specific law and/or broaden the scope of the current law to include non-disclosure and/or potential or perceived exposure, the Law Commission is clear.

We do not recommend the creation of specific offences concerned with disease transmission, either in relation to disease in general or in relation to HIV and STIs in particular: this too would require a wider review of all the available evidence. Nor do we recommend an offence of putting a person in danger of contracting a disease, or an offence of failing to disclose an infection to a sexual partner.

Law Commission Scoping Report: TRANSMISSION OF DISEASE (November 2015)

Is Louisiana's 'AIDS exposure' statute outdated? Advocates say it needs an update

Richard Covington of Baton Rouge was accused earlier this year of breaking into the house of someone who apparently owed him money and then fighting the resident. During the scuffle, Covington allegedly bit the man’s arm.

Coalition Pushes To Soften HIV Laws In California

A coalition including the American Civil Liberties Union and Equality California have joined together in an effort to change certain state laws they say criminalize people living with HIV. At a forum held in Fresno last week, a dozen activist and medical professionals talked about a number of goals including reducing the penalty for intentionally spreading HIV from a felony to a misdemeanor.

“We believe the punishment is not proportionate to the crime,” says Craig Pulsipher, with the AIDS Project Los Angeles.

“I would just point to similar offenses that are felony in California statutes. This puts intentional transmission of HIV on par with voluntary manslaughter and so we really believe a misdemeanor is sufficient consequence,” he says.

The group also wants to repeal a handful of laws including being charged with a felony for soliciting sex while knowingly having HIV. In this case, the law doesn’t require any sexual contact or transmission of HIV just the act of soliciting while being positive. Other laws make it a felony for HIV positive people to donate blood or breast milk. In many cases, people convicted under these laws could face jail time.

Dr. Simon Paul with Community Regional Medical Center specializes treating those with HIV and AIDS in the Central Valley. He says these laws aren’t up to date with modern science.

“A lot of these things are crime even if no harm was done,” Paul says. “The fact that if you have HIV, and if you sleep with someone you’re practically at zero risk if you’re on treatment. The way the laws are written now it’s just as bad as if the person had HIV in the 80’s and had no treatment. That’s the part to me seems the craziest.”

Today people living with HIV can take a pill on a daily basis to reduce the amount of the virus in their body to minimal levels. Paul says this makes the patient highly unlikely to pass the virus to someone else.

With the current state laws dealing with HIV, a person can only be convicted of charges if they are aware of their status. Paul says this creates unintended consequences.

“These laws make people less likely to get tested and into care which is the way you’ll actually get HIV to decrease. I think the laws are passed out of fear and not helpful at this point,” he says.

In Fresno County alone, only around half of those living with HIV are linked intro treatment. And there many that don’t know their status.

Many advocates like Pulsipher say these laws actually discourage people from getting tested.

“Some of these sites that specifically talk about HIV criminalization laws, one of the pieces of advice they give is: the best way to not be prosecuted under these statutes is to not know their HIV status. So that’s the exact opposite of what we would like to do. We want to encourage people to know their status.”

The coalition is hosting forums throughout the state and they’re working on a bill they plan to introduce next year in Sacramento.

Uganda: Community Health Alliance Uganda (CHAU) board chairman, Dr Stephen Watiti calls for repeal of clauses on disclosure, mandatory testing and transmission in HIV and AIDS Prevention and Control Act

Community Health Alliance Uganda (CHAU) board chairman, Dr Stephen Watiti, has called for an amendment of the 2014 HIV and AIDS Prevention and Control Act.

Watiti, who was speaking at the launch of CHAU’s 2016-2020 Strategic Plan last week in Kampala, wants clauses on disclosure, mandatory testing and intentional transmission repealed.

CHAU is one of the local non-governmental organizations (NGOs) involved in anti-HIV/Aids campaigns in the country. Enacted last year amidst protests from civil society and activists, the HIV and AIDS Prevention and Control Act criminalizes intentional transmission of HIV, enforces mandatory testing and requires spouses to disclose results to their partners, among others.

“In most of our communities if a woman tested positive and told her husband as stipulated in this law, it sparks domestic violence and stigmatization. So, my appeal is to review and scrap such clauses,” said Watiti, also plans to join elective politics in his bid to push for the aforesaid changes in parliament next year.

He also noted that it would be difficult to prove whether someone set out to intentionally infect their partners in a love affair.

“Preventing new infections should be a responsibility of both HIV positive and negative people,” Watiti argued, adding that testing should be voluntarily because making it mandatory is a violation of human rights.

His comments were directed to chief guest at the function, Dr Chris Baryomunsi, the state minister for health in charge of general duties and also MP for Kinkiizi East.

In response, Baryomunsi assured guests the parliamentary health committee would consider such appeals upon reviewing the HIV/Aids Act and also address concerns about the NGO Bill, which many civil society activists claim is intended to curtail their work.

Noting that some NGOs such as CHAU have done a good job as government partners in the battle against HIV/Aids, Baryomunsi said they would consider progressive provisions to ensure work is not stifled.

Baryomunsi explained that the law is intended to clamp down on NGOs that registered to health-related work but deviate from their mandate along the way.

Baryomunsi lauded the organization for its work of supporting people living with HIV in 20 districts including Kayunga, Luweero, Nakasongola, Mukono, Wakiso, Kamuli, Mayuge, Mityana, Gulu and Mbarara.

CHAU also provides family planning and sexual reproductive health education services.

Sweden: HIV activists call for the abolition of the duty to disclose in line with scientific progress

The new knowledge we have today about the transfer risks, should contribute to a change in infectious disease control law design.

The duty to disclose for people living with HIV should be abolished as soon as possible, writes representatives from RFSL, RFSU and HIV Sweden.

HIV was included in the Swedish Communicable Diseases legislation in 1985. The purpose was to provide support for the measures it considered necessary to slow down the transmissions of HIV, an infection, they were convinced, that could become an epidemic out of control.

Despite the limited knowledge then available on HIV the Government noted in its preparatory work to the Act that: “If a cure is discovered meaning that infected people can become free of infection,  the perception of infectiousness willl obviously change. It would also be the same if one could find that the infection, whether a cure is available or not, is not contagious in some periods “(Prop. 1985/86: 13).

In October 2013 the Public Health Agency launched its knowledge base “Infectiousness in treated HIV infection.” The Authority concluded that the risk of transmitting HIV through sexual contact when a condom is used, is almost non-existent.

The risk is also considered as very small if a condom is not used.

In Sweden, over 90 percent of those who received a hiv diagnosis are on effective treatment today. In accordance with the intentions that were in the preparatory work to the country legislation in 1985, the knowledge we now have about transmission risks, should contribute to a change in infectious disease control law design.

One of the positions that RFSL, RFSU and HIV Sweden usually get to explain is precisely why we believe that the so-called disclosure duties should be removed for people living with HIV.

The duty to disclose is one of several precautions that people living with HIV must follow under the current disease control legislation. The duty to disclose requires that people living with HIV must inform their sex partners of their HIV.

he duty to disclose takes the focus away from what is hiv prevention most central message: that all people in sexual encounters should take responsibility to protect themselves and their partners.

So under the legislation this responsibility rests with the party who knows about his/her HIV as the duty to disclose. This despite the fact that over 90 percent of those currently living with HIV are taking effective treatment and are exposing a sexual partner to an almost non-existent risk of HIV transmission.

It stands in stark contrast to the fact that in most cases, it is those who do not know they have HIV who transmit the virus to others. The highest risk of transmission comes from this undiagnosed population.

This group is of course under no obligation to disclose information about which they know nothing, and therefore does not have anything to tell. The duty to disclose is therefore counterproductive and contributes to the stigmatization of people living with HIV who know about their status.

RFSL, RFSU and HIV Sweden are calling for a revision of regulations of the 2004 Infectious Diseases Act and the abolition of the duty to disclose.

We have met with opposition within the authorities, medical officers, their lawyers and policymakers. Often we are subjected to the view that we do not fully understand how the law works and a belief that we want to bring HIV out of the Communicable Diseases Act. That is not the case.

We believe that HIV must be included in the Communicable Diseases Act from a prevention and treatment perspective. But we believe that the law can easily be designed in such a way that HIV, and any other relevant diseases, are excluded from a conduct that is counter-productive, which departs from Prevention key messages, which stigmatizes people living with HIV, and is not in line with the knowledge we have today about transmission risks.

To make it easier for policy makers and officials, we have in collaboration with lawyers developed an example of how Diseases Act may be formulated to overcome the misconceptions there may seem to be about our position. The example can be downloaded here.

It is now our hope that the government ensures that the revision of the Infectious Diseases Act be implemented promptly and that the duty to disclose for people living with HIV can thus be abolished in the near future.

Christian Antoni Möllerop

Vice ‘Union

RFSL

 

Kristina Ljungros

Chairman of the Federation

RFSU

 

Christina Franzen

President

HIV Sweden

—————————————–

Den nya kunskap vi i dag har om överföringsrisker, bör bidra till en förändring av smittskyddslagstiftningens utformning.

Informationsplikten för personer som lever med hiv bör avskaffas snarast, skriver representanter från RFSL, RFSU och Hiv-Sverige.

1985 inkluderades hiv i den svenska smittskyddslagstiftningen. Syftet var att ge stöd till de åtgärder man ansåg nödvändiga för att bromsa överföringarna av hiv, en infektion man då var övertygad om att kunde bli en epidemi utom all kontroll.

Trots den begränsade kunskap som då fanns om hiv konstaterade regeringen i förarbetena till lagen att: ”Om något botemedel upptäcks som innebär att den smittade kan bli smittfri, kommer detta självklart att ändra synen på när smittsamhet föreligger. Detsamma blir förhållandet om man skulle finna att infektionen, oavsett om något botemedel finns att tillgå eller ej, inte är smittsam i vissa perioder” (Prop. 1985/86:13).

I oktober 2013 lanserade Folkhälsomyndigheten kunskapsunderlaget “Smittsamhet vid behandlad hivinfektion”. Där slår myndigheten fast att risken för att överföra hiv genom sexuell kontakt vid välfungerande behandling, när kondom används, är närmast obefintlig.

Risken bedöms även som mycket liten om kondom inte används.

I Sverige har över 90 procent av de som fått en hivdiagnos en välfungerande behandling i dag. I enlighet med de intentioner som fanns i förarbetena till smittskyddslagstiftningen från 1985, måste därför den kunskap vi nu har om överföringsrisker, bidra till en förändring av smittskyddslagstiftningens utformning.

 

Ett av de ställningstaganden som RFSL, RFSU och Hiv-Sverige oftast får förklara är just varför vi anser att den så kallade informationsplikten borde tas bort för personer som lever med hiv.

Informationsplikten är en av flera förhållningsregler som personer som lever med hiv måste följa enligt den gällande smittskyddslagstiftningen. Informationsplikten kräver att den som lever med hiv ska informera sina sexpartners om sin hiv.

Informationsplikten tar bort fokus från det som är hivpreventionens mest centrala budskap: att samtliga personer i det sexuella mötet bär ansvaret för att skydda sig själv och sin partner.

Så som lagstiftningen är utformad vilar ansvaret på den av parterna som vet om sin hiv att informera. Detta trots att över 90 procent av dem som i dag lever med hiv har en välfungerande behandling och därmed utsätter sexpartners för en närmast obefintlig risk för hivöverföring.

Det står i stark kontrast till det faktum att det är de som inte vet om att de bär på hiv som överför viruset i de flesta fall till andra. Det är alltså dessa odiagnostiserade det finns en stor risk att få viruset överfört från.

För denna grupp gäller förstås ingen informationsplikt då de inget vet och därför heller inte har något att berätta. Informationsplikten är därför kontraproduktiv och den bidrar till att stigmatisera personer som lever med hiv och vet om sin status.

 

RFSL, RFSU och Hiv-Sverige har sedan informationsplikten lagreglerades 2004 jobbat för en översyn av smittskyddslagen och ett avskaffande av informationsplikten.

Vi har stött på patrull inom myndigheter, smittskyddsläkare, deras jurister och bland beslutsfattare. Ofta bemöts vi av en uppfattning om att vi inte helt har förstått hur lagen fungerar eller en övertygelse om att vi vill ta hiv ut ur smittskyddslagen. Så är inte fallet.

Vi anser att hiv måste ingå i smittskyddslagen ur ett preventions- och behandlingsperspektiv. Men vi anser att lagen enkelt kan utformas på så sätt att hiv, och eventuellt andra relevanta sjukdomar, undantas från de förhållningsregler som är kontraproduktiva, som frångår det som är preventionens centrala budskap, som stigmatiserar personer som lever med hiv, och som inte ligger i linje med den kunskap vi numera har om överföringsrisker.

För att underlätta för beslutsfattare och tjänstemän har vi i samarbete med jurister tagit fram ett exempel på hur smittskyddslagen kan formuleras för att råda bot på de missuppfattningar om vårt ställningstagande som kan synas finnas. Exemplet kan laddas ner här.

Det är nu vår förhoppning att regeringen ser till att en översyn av smittskyddslagen sker skyndsamt och att informationsplikten för personer som lever med hiv därmed kan avskaffas inom en nära framtid.

Christian Antoni Möllerop

Vice förbundsordförande

RFSL

Kristina Ljungros

Förbundsordförande

RFSU

Christina Franzén

Ordförande

Hiv-Sverige

Australia: Victoria’s HIV-specific criminal law, Section 19A, finally repealed today

In a joint media release, Living Positive Victoria and the Victorian AIDS Council have welcomed the passage of the Crimes Amendment (Repeal of Section 19A) Act 2015 by the Victorian Parliament. The Act repeals Australia’s only HIV-specific law criminalising the intentional transmission of HIV, section 19A of the Crimes Act 1958, which has been criticised for unfairly targeting and stigmatising people with HIV.

Live Tweets from Victoria’s Parliament today. To find out more about the five year campaign to repeal the law, read this blog post written for the HIV Justice Network by Paul Kidd, Chair of the HIV Legal Working Group.

The two organisations had called for the repeal of section 19A in the lead-up to the 2014 International AIDS Conference, held in Melbourne, as part of an advocacy effort designed to reduce the incidence of HIV-related criminal prosecutions in Victoria.

“Victoria has the unfortunate distinction of having had more HIV-related prosecutions than any other state, and until today had the only HIV-specific criminal law,” said Simon Ruth, Chief Executive Officer, Victorian AIDS Council. “Our organisations strongly believe that HIV should be treated as a health issue, and that criminal prosecutions should only be used in cases where transmission occurs and there is evidence the alleged perpetrator acted with intent.”

The use of the criminal law to control HIV has been roundly criticised by legal theorists, HIV experts and international agencies. The Joint United Nations Program on HIV/AIDS has called for HIV-specific criminal laws, like section 19A, to be repealed.

“Today we can be proud that Victoria has repealed its HIV-specific criminal law, and in doing so, reaffirmed its commitment to treating HIV as a public health issue and not a criminal justice issue. Government, community and industry need to work together if we are to meet our goal of eliminating HIV transmissions by 2020, and the multi-party support for repealing section 19A shows our legislators are listening and prepared to enact evidence-based policies,” said Brent Allan, Chief Executive Officer, Living Positive Victoria.

The repeal of section 19A will not legalise the intentional transmission of HIV, but will ensure that any allegation of intentional transmission is dealt with under general laws, the same as for other forms of injury. The campaign to repeal the laws highlighted the stigmatising effect of HIV criminalisation.

“Criminalising HIV transmission and exposure isn’t just ineffective as a method of prevention, it is actually counterproductive to our efforts because it perpetuates stigma,” said Paul Kidd, Chair of the HIV Legal Working Group. “We know the stigma around HIV is one of the biggest barriers to increasing testing and treatment, and enabling voluntary disclosure of HIV. Section 19A sent a false message that people with HIV are a danger to the community, and todays repeal shows the Parliament accepts that we are not.

“This is a law that was never needed, and should never have been enacted. It has not made Victorians safer, and in fact may have led to an increase in the number of people living with HIV. The whole Victorian community should be happy to see it go.”

The HIV Legal Working Group has been the recipient of GLOBE, VAC and Living Positive Victoria awards for its work on the repeal of section 19A. A community celebration of the repeal of section 19A is being planned and will be announced shortly.

In a blog post written exclusively for the HIV Justice Network, Paul Kidd highlights that although this battle has been won, the work against unjust prosecutions in Victoria is yet not over.

“Now that section 19A is gone, our work continues, he writes. “We still need to address the unacceptably high number of prosecutions for ‘HIV endangerment’ that occur in Victoria. We strongly believe we have a model that will deliver the right public health outcomes while safeguarding the public, without the use of expensive, ineffective and highly stigmatising criminal prosecutions. With the repeal of section 19A, our state government has recommitted itself to a health-based response to HIV, and we believe that gives us the best possible platform to continue our campaign for prosecutorial guidelines.”

Repealing Section 19A: How we got there, by Paul Kidd, Chair of the HIV Legal Working Group

Australia’s only HIV-specific criminal law, section 19A of the Crimes Act in the state of Victoria, has now been repealed. This is an exciting step forward for those of us working to turn around Victoria’s poor record on criminalisation of HIV. This blog entry outlines the process we used to achieve this historic reform.

This story starts just before the 2010 International AIDS Conference in Vienna, at the first-ever HIV criminalisation pre-conference meeting, co-organised by the Canadian HIV/AIDS Legal Network, the Global Network of People Living with HIV (GNP+) and NAM (who host the HIV Justice Network). Attending this meeting and hearing about the incredible work being done in this area was the inspiration for starting a joint advocacy project to address the issue here in Victoria. The partners in that project are the two largest HIV organisations in our state, Living Positive Victoria and the Victorian AIDS Council.

Our objectives were to achieve a set of prosecutorial guidelines, on a similar model to those adopted by the Crown Prosecution Service for England and Wales, and the repeal of s 19A. Although our initial focus was on the guidelines, with the announcement that Melbourne would host the 2014 International AIDS Conference, we decided to shift our focus to the repeal of s 19A. We felt that by focusing on a law that was manifestly out of step with best practice, we could use the conference to embarrass our legislators into action. With a state election due three months after AIDS 2014, we felt confident we could make political headway with the issue.

Section 19A makes it a criminal offence to intentionally transmit a ‘very serious disease’, which is defined to mean only HIV. It carries a maximum 25-year prison sentence, making it one of the most serious crimes on the Victorian statute book. It was enacted in 1993, following a high-profile case in which a prison officer in NSW was stabbed with a hypodermic syringe, and a number of cases in which blood-filled syringes were used in armed robberies.

Although the law was passed, supposedly, to deal with this kind of ‘syringe bandit’ assault, in practice it has been applied exclusively against people accused of sexual transmission of HIV. Although only a handful of cases have ever been prosecuted (and none successfully), s 19A has often been charged, or used as a threat against people accused of reckless transmission or endangerment. Its presence on the statute book has sent an unwelcome and false signal that people with HIV are a danger to public safety.

Additionally, we were armed with a solid evidence base – particularly the reports of UNAIDS and the Global Commission on HIV and the Law, which specifically criticise HIV-specific laws like s 19A.

We made a point of telegraphing our intentions to the government and opposition political parties well ahead of the conference. We developed a policy brief setting out the case for repeal of the section, and sought dialogue with both parties in the months before the conference. We wanted to give them every opportunity, at a time when the eyes of the world would be on us, to take action that would generate international attention and goodwill.

Our approach to the government was initially rebuffed, with a curt reply that they had no intention of changing the law. The Labor opposition, which had opposed the law in 1993, was more welcoming and we were able to explain our position at a number of meetings leading up to the conference. We were unable to get a commitment for action, but we were confident that both sides knew what we were asking for.

We gathered together a strong coalition of supporting organisations who agreed to back our call. As well as the HIV sector, we had support from the broader civil sector (organisations focused on human rights, mental health, gay and lesbian rights) and from the legal sector, particularly the criminal bar. We had the backing of the AIDS 2014 chairs. We spent a good deal of time before the conference drafting talking points that enabled us to get our media messaging clear, and thinking about ways to get our message out to conference delegates already being showered with slogans, messages and leaflets.

As the conference approached, however, we had no commitment from either party. We were taken by surprise when the health minister used a speech opening the ‘Beyond Blame’ HIV criminalisation pre-conference to make a commitment to ‘amend section 19A to make it non-discriminatory.’ Given the blunt ‘not interested’ we had received a couple of months earlier, this was a stunning turnaround, but still fell short of what we wanted – full repeal of section 19A. Worse, the way the announcement was phrased suggested the scope of the law could in fact be widened to include other diseases like hepatitis C – the last thing we wanted.

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As the conference week progressed, we continued to press our case and to highlight the need for repeal. We garnered positive press coverage following a media conference held on the opening day (even the tabloid press gave us a sympathetic hearing). The sight of thousands of protesters marching through the streets of Melbourne with signs reading ‘#REPEAL19A’ made the evening news. We publicly called on the government to clarify why they were saying ‘amend’ rather than ‘repeal’. Behind the scenes, we used every social event and reception to buttonhole politicians and push our case, highlighting the goodwill that an announcement would generate for them on the international stage. It was an exhausting week, but with each passing day we knew our opportunities were diminishing.

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Finally, on the last full day of the conference, the opposition Labor Party committed to full repeal of section 19A, within one year, if they won the election in November. The word came though via text message while I was sitting in a conference session on criminalisation advocacy, and I felt close to tears as I told the room what had happened. We now had commitments from both major parties, meaning reform of the law was almost assured.

Following the conference, we continued to push the government to explain how they intended to ‘amend’ section 19A and pressed our case for full repeal further. We never got an answer to our question, because the government didn’t bring the legislation forward before the expiry of the parliamentary term, then at the election there was a change of government.

The Labor Party, which had unambiguously promised to repeal s 19A, was now in government, and one of the most pleasing things about the last five months has been seeing them stick to their guns around 19A. Seeing government ministers on gay pride day carrying a banner saying ‘repeal section 19A’ was amazing.

I think the key message from our experience is that if you have an opportunity and you plan well, you can make tremendous use of it. I realise most activists won’t have the luxury of having the international AIDS conference come to their city, but hopefully other opportunities exist where local and global attention can be used to highlight inequities in the law. Building collaborations and learning from what has worked elsewhere is vital, but develop a strategy that suits your local needs and capacities.

Don’t be deterred if others disagree with your strategy – I’ve lost count of the number of times I’ve been told that criminalisation isn’t a first-order issue, or that by advocating for change we risk ‘making things worse’, or that by advocating too hard we risk getting nothing in return and pushing the issue off the agenda.

Now that s 19A is gone, our work continues. We still need to address the unacceptably high number of prosecutions for ‘HIV endangerment’ that occur in Victoria. We strongly believe we have a model that will deliver the right public health outcomes while safeguarding the public, without the use of expensive, ineffective and highly stigmatising criminal prosecutions. With the repeal of section 19A, our state government has recommitted itself to a health-based response to HIV, and we believe that gives us the best possible platform to continue our campaign for prosecutorial guidelines.

Paul Kidd (@paulkidd) chairs the Victorian HIV Legal Working Group.