HIV Criminalization Beyond Non-Disclosure: Advocacy Toolkits on Intersections with Sex Work and Syringe Use, The Center for HIV Law and Policy and National LGBTQ Task Force (2017)
The Center for HIV Law and Policy (CHLP) and the National LGBTQ Task Force are pleased to announce the release of an exciting new resource that can help foster more intersectional advocacy for HIV criminal law reform. HIV Criminalization Beyond Non-Disclosure: Advocacy Toolkits on Intersections with Sex Work and Syringe Use is the sum of two toolkits designed for advocates who care about ending the disproportionate criminalization of people living with HIV.
The toolkits highlight the intersections between advocacy for HIV criminal law reform, decriminalization of sex work, and safe syringe access. These different advocacy communities share many common goals and constituencies, yet do not generally work in close collaboration or collectively strategize. The toolkits underscore the ways in which certain HIV criminal laws specifically target sex workers and people who inject substances, but also how these laws and those that prohibit sex work and drug use represent the systemic criminalization of safety and survival of Black and Brown bodies and of sexual and gender minorities.
The toolkits discuss the many ways in which these issues are connected and outline concrete steps advocates can take to strengthen their intersectional advocacy. They were developed in consultation with a broad range of stakeholders and organizations.
In producing the toolkits, CHLP and the National LGBTQ Task Force reaffirm their commitment to advancing progressive policy and grassroots movement rooted in bodily autonomy, self-determination, and racial and economic justice.
**Organizational sign-on/support is also welcomed and encouraged!** For organizations interested in showing their support for the toolkits and this kind of intersectional advocacy, or for other questions, please contact Kate Boulton at kboulton@hivlawandpolicy.org or Sabrina Rewald at srewald@thetaskforce.org.
Canada: COCQ-SIDA to request a moratorium on criminal prosecutions of HIV non-disclosure in Quebec
Moratorium requested on prosecutions for non-disclosure of HIV (Translation of article in French below)
The Coalition des organismes communautaires québécois de lutte contre le sida (COCQ-SIDA) will ask the minister of Justice of Quebec on Tuesday to impose a moratorium on the use of criminal prosecutions against people living with HIV who do not disclose their medical status to their sexual partner, learned The Duty.
This moratorium is called ” right now “, and this, until the end of the consultation undertaken by the federal government in order to reform this regulation. “We hope to give more information on our progress at the end of the year “, has written for Le Devoir a spokesman for the federal department of Justice on Monday evening about this.
Currently, the supreme Court ruled that an HIV-positive person must disclose his/her HIV status to his partner prior to any sexual relationship, unless you meet two requirements, either wear a condom and have a low viral load or undetectable.
“The scientific studies show that the viral load decreases drastically [with the most recent treatments], to a point where HIV is no longer transmitted“, explains a lawyer at COCQ-SIDA, Liz Lacharpagne. That is why the coalition believes that only one of the two criteria should be taken into account.
Since 2010, the COCQ-AIDS has multiplied advances to review the regulation, considered as being discriminatory and outdated, but without success. “The guidelines we asked for were never adopted,” said Ms. Lacharpagne.
“Currently, people living with HIV are the subject of allegations of severe sexual abuse […] even in the absence of intent to cause harm, even when HIV is not passed to the partner, and even when the risk of transmission is negligible, or even zero,” writes COCQ-SIDA in a press release that will be published on Tuesday.
These criminal prosecutions contribute to stigmatize people living with HIV, states the coalition. Ms. Lacharpagne cites the example of high-profile cases where accused persons have been identified publicly as a sex offender. “It does not give a nice image of these people.”
“There is a confusion between the fact of not disclosing [their HIV status] and a sexual assault “, she says.
More lawsuits
COCQ-SIDA is particularly concerned since the beginning of the year, because it has observed a substantial increase in prosecutions for non-disclosure in Quebec. The Devoir reported on this situation in August.
Faced with the refusal of the minister of Justice of Quebec, Stéphanie Vallée, to meet with COCQ-SIDA, and in the context of the increase in lawsuits, the coalition believes that they has no other recourse but to ask for a moratorium. “It is at a political level,” explains Ms. Lacharpagne.
The cabinet of Mrs Valley did not tell le Devoir if it will impose or not such a moratorium. The case depends on the federal government, has reminded the press officer for the minister, Isabelle Married St-Onge, in a reply sent by e-mail.
“Quebec is favourable to the minimization of the stigma of people living with HIV and focuses on the approach set out by the jurisprudence of the supreme Court which provides for a fair balance between the protection of society, victims and the respect for the dignity of people living with HIV “, she adds.
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La Coalition des organismes communautaires québécois de lutte contre le sida (COCQ-SIDA) demandera mardi à la ministre de la Justice du Québec d’imposer un moratoire sur les poursuites criminelles contre les personnes vivant avec le VIH qui ne divulguent pas leur statut médical à leur partenaire sexuel, a appris Le Devoir.
Ce moratoire est demandé « dès maintenant », et ce, jusqu’à l’issue de la consultation menée par le gouvernement fédéral dans le but de réformer cette réglementation. « Nous espérons donner de plus amples renseignements sur nos progrès à la fin de l’année », a écrit au Devoir un porte-parole du ministère fédéral de la Justice lundi soir à ce sujet.
Actuellement, la Cour suprême établit qu’une personne séropositive doit divulguer son statut sérologique à son partenaire avant toute relation sexuelle, à moins de remplir deux exigences, soit porter un condom et avoir une charge virale faible ou indétectable.
« Les études scientifiques montrent que la charge virale diminue de façon drastique [avec les plus récents traitements], à un point où le VIH ne se transmet plus », explique l’avocate de la COCQ-SIDA, Liz Lacharpagne. C’est pourquoi la coalition estime qu’un seul des deux critères devrait être pris en compte.
Depuis 2010, la COCQ-SIDA multiplie les démarches afin de revoir la réglementation, jugée discriminatoire et désuète, mais sans succès. « Les directives qu’on demandait n’ont jamais été adoptées », déplore Mme Lacharpagne.
« Actuellement, des personnes vivant avec le VIH font l’objet d’accusations d’agressions sexuelles graves […] même en l’absence d’intention de causer un préjudice, même lorsque le VIH n’est pas transmis au partenaire et même lorsque le risque de transmission est négligeable, voire nul », écrit la COCQ-SIDA dans un communiqué qui sera publié mardi.
Ces poursuites au criminel contribuent à stigmatiser davantage les personnes séropositives, soutient la coalition. Mme Lacharpagne cite en exemple des cas médiatisés où des personnes accusées ont été identifiées publiquement comme des délinquants sexuels. « Ça ne donne pas une belle image de ces personnes ».
«Il y a une confusion entre le fait de ne pas dévoiler [son statut sérologique] et une agression sexuelle », déplore-t-elle.
Devant le refus de la ministre de la Justice du Québec, Stéphanie Vallée, de rencontrer la COCQ-SIDA, et dans le contexte d’augmentation des poursuites, la coalition estime qu’elle n’a d’autre recours que de demander un moratoire. « C’est à un niveau politique », explique Mme Lacharpagne.
Le cabinet de Mme Vallée n’a pas précisé au Devoir s’il imposera ou non un tel moratoire. Le dossier relève du gouvernement fédéral, a rappelé l’attachée de presse de la ministre, Isabelle Marier St-Onge, dans une réponse transmise par courriel.
« Le Québec est favorable à la minimisation de la stigmatisation des personnes atteintes du VIH et privilégie l’approche définie par la jurisprudence de la Cour suprême qui prévoit un juste équilibre entre la protection de la société, des victimes et le respect de la dignité des personnes atteintes du VIH », ajoute-t-elle.
FCAA Philanthopy Summit: Growing the Global Movement to End Criminalization (Funders Concerned About AIDS, 2017)
This session aimed at philanthropic funders discussed the growing global movement to end HIV criminalization – overly broad and/or vague criminal laws, that unjustly regulate, control, and/or punish people living with HIV solely based on their HIV status. The panel’s participants exemplify the uniqueness of the Robert Carr Fund model of incentivizing collaborative and joint efforts of networks across movements – who join into consortia of, for example, people living with HIV and human rights defenders/lawyers – and the model of linking activities at global, regional and national levels, which catalyzes a more aligned and impactful effect in resisting and fighting HIV criminalization.
Moderator: Sergey Votyagov, Robert Carr Fund for Civil Society Networks (RCF)
Introduction: Luisa Cabal, Joint United Nations Programme on HIV/AIDS (UNAIDS)
Panelists:
• Edwin Bernard, HIV Justice Network (HJN)
• Laurel Sprague, Global Network of People Living with HIV (GNP+)
• Lynette Mabote, AIDS and Rights Alliance for Southern Africa (ARASA)
Australia: Proposed sexual health law in New South Wales is a step backwards & runs counter to good public health
PROPOSED SEXUAL HEALTH LAW REFORMS IN NSW SLAMMED BY EXPERTS
The reforms would see people with HIV or an STI who fail to take “reasonable precautions” face a fine or up to six months in prison.
The New South Wales government has introduced a bill that would see people with HIV or an STI who fail to take “reasonable precautions” face a fine or up to six months in prison.
The Public Health Amendment (Review) Bill 2017seeks to make changes to Section 79 of the Public Health Act 2010, removing the existing law around disclosure of HIV, but replacing it with a new offence meaning anyone who knows they have an STI could be charged for not taking undefined “reasonable precautions”.
Sexual health organisation ACON has criticised the bill, saying it is at odds with good public health practice.
“Given that most of the STIs that would be covered by this proposal are treatable, it is our position that the new offence created in s79 introduces unprecedented, unjustified, and disproportionate penalties and runs counter to good public health processes,” ACON said in a statement on its website.
“This new offence could deter people from sexual health testing and contact tracing. The evidence indicates that HIV and other STIs are more likely to be transmitted via someone who has undiagnosed infection.”
ACON said that STIs are a health issue, not a criminal issue, and called on concerned members of the public to contact NSW Minister for Health Brad Hazzard.
Nic Holas of HIV organisation The Institute of Many agreed that the proposed new law is worrying.
“Those of us in the HIV-positive community are very concerned about the proposed changes to the Public Health Act,” he said.
“It used to be that you had to disclose your HIV status or face some kind of penalty, potentially. Last year the New South Wales government recognised that that kind of forced disclosure put all the responsibility on HIV-positive people, which was unfair and ultimately unhelpful in ending HIV.
“But now it seems what they’re trying to do is remove that—which is really great—and introduce punitive charges on anyone who’s HIV-positive or anyone with an STI if they don’t take reasonable precautions.”
Holas called the proposed law “really extreme” and said it could deter testing and result in worse public health outcomes.
“That’s extremely concerning for us, because the World Health Organisation says that those sorts of extreme punitive measures do the opposite of driving down rates of HIV and STIs, and send them upwards,” he said.
Holas said there is already provision under the law for a person intentionally spreading an STI to be charged with grievous bodily harm. He called for the proposed new offence to be scrapped.
“What’s far more important to ending HIV and the current high rates of STIs is to encourage testing and treatment, not heavy prison sentences,” he said.
Canada: Ontario leads the world in the over-criminalisation of HIV non-disclosure
Ontario a ‘world leader’ in unjustly prosecuting people living with HIV, advocates say
HIV-positive individuals being ‘criminalized’ when it comes to disclosing their status to sexual partners, by a criminal justice system that has failed to catch up to the science around HIV and the risks of transmission, critics argue.
It was around Christmas in 2008 when Chad Clarke said he got a phone call from a former partner screaming at him that he had given her HIV.
The next three years would see Clarke arrested for aggravated sexual assault, denied bail twice, pleading guilty to avoid a longer sentence, sent to prison where he was placed in protective custody, and put on the national sex offender registry for life.
The charge related to a failure to disclose his HIV status, although Clarke said that at the time he did not believe he was HIV-positive. Although he had tested positive in 2004, he said he had believed a second test showed he was negative. He said he’s been on medication, with an undetectable viral load, since 2008.
“HIV is not a crime,” Clarke, 45, told the Star in a recent interview. “It’s a public health issue. Isn’t health supposed to be key?”
People living with HIV in Canada risk an aggravated sexual assault charge and prison time if they don’t disclose their status to their sexual partner, unless a condom is used and the individual has a low viral load, which refers to the amount of the HIV virus in their blood.
Advocates have long complained of HIV-positive individuals being unjustly prosecuted by a criminal justice system that has failed to catch up to the science around HIV and the risks of transmission.
It’s an issue that is now on the agenda of federal Justice Minister Jody Wilson-Raybould, who has referred to an “over-criminalization of HIV non-disclosure” and is looking at introducing changes this year. But critics say the Ontario government has so far failed to match the federal government’s efforts in what remains a complex and sensitive area of the law.
“There are some serious injustices taking place right now,” said Ryan Peck, executive director of the HIV & AIDS Legal Clinic Ontario. “People living with HIV are being criminalized for engaging in behaviours that should not be criminal, and to make it worse, people living with HIV are being charged, prosecuted and convicted of aggravated sexual assault.”
It wasn’t long ago when the media proclaimed AIDS as the “gay plague” that carried a death sentence, but the stigma around HIV/AIDS has hardly disappeared, as advocates point to the continued criminal prosecution of those who don’t disclose their status to their sexual partners as one example.
At least 184 people in 200 cases have been charged in relation to HIV non-disclosure since 1989, according to a report published this year by the Canadian HIV/AIDS Legal Network. In Ontario, at least nine cases have been taken to court since 2012.
“When used correctly and no breakage occurs, condoms are 100 per cent effective at stopping the transmission of HIV,” according to a 2014 consensus statement published by a number of leading Canadian HIV/AIDS medical experts. As well, because of advances in medication that can keep a person’s viral load low or undetectable, advocates say that the risks of transmission are far lower than they once were, regardless of condom use.
Therefore, they say, HIV-positive people should not be required to be placed in the delicate position of disclosing their status, unless there is intention to transmit HIV as well as actual transmission of HIV.
“In the best of all worlds, that would be the right thing do,” Toronto criminal defence lawyer Cynthia Fromstein, who has represented many HIV-positive individuals, said of a person disclosing one’s status.
“However, people have faced bad reactions, people have faced violent reactions, to disclosing their HIV status. People are also just people, they face rejection, which is hard, and particularly if you know that you in fact don’t pose a risk to someone, then I think people don’t want to put themselves in that position.”
Matters are further complicated by the fact that Ontario has no official prosecutorial guidelines to help guide Crown attorneys in their approach to these cases, and to decide whether to even bring one to court.
It gets even more complicated when you consider the Supreme Court’s last pronouncement on the topic in 2012, where it was found that a person must disclose if there is a “realistic possibility of transmission,” a phrase that has left Crown attorneys and judges differing on just what that means.
The federal government has been studying the issue since last year, and it’s expected to be discussed at the upcoming federal, provincial and territorial justice ministers’ meeting in Vancouver this week.
The gathering comes almost a year after Wilson-Raybould announced last Dec. 1, World AIDS Day, that she intended to look into the criminal justice system’s handling of HIV non-disclosure cases and work on the issue with her provincial and territorial counterparts.
“HIV treatment has slowed disease progression to the point that, for many, HIV infection can now be regarded as a chronic, manageable condition,” she said in a statement at the time.
“Still, the over-criminalization of HIV non-disclosure discourages many individuals from being tested and seeking treatment, and further stigmatizes those living with HIV or AIDS. Just as treatment has progressed, the criminal justice system must adapt to better reflect the current scientific evidence on the realities of this disease.”
The Criminal Code contains no laws specifically related to HIV non-disclosure, but the offence of aggravated sexual assault — reserved for the most egregious sexual assaults — is typically laid in such cases, and almost always carries prison time following conviction.
HIV/AIDS organizations do not oppose prosecutions in the rare cases where an individual had the intent to transmit the HIV virus, although whether the charge should still be aggravated sexual assault remains a matter of discussion.
While the federal government is responsible for amending the Criminal Code, it is the responsibility of provincial Crown attorneys to apply the law, and use their discretion when deciding whether to prosecute a particular offence.
In a statement sent to the Star last week, the federal department of justice said the government hopes to provide an update on its work on the issue by the end of the year. But it also reiterated that enforcement of the laws is very much a provincial matter.
“The work currently being undertaken with provincial partners will allow each jurisdiction to make informed decisions about how to address prosecutorial and charging practices within their area of responsibility,” the statement said.
Advocates have demanded that Ontario Attorney General Yasir Naqvi order a moratorium on the prosecution of non-disclosure cases — except in cases where intentional transmission of the virus is alleged — until the federal government implements its plan, which may include prosecutorial guidelines that the provinces could choose to adopt.
Their pleas have so far proven to be unsuccessful, as Crown attorneys in Ontario continue to bring non-disclosure cases — even where the virus was not transmitted — to court.
“The intolerable fact remains that Ontario continues to be a world leader in unjustly prosecuting people with HIV,” the Ontario Working Group on Criminal Law and HIV Exposure wrote in an April letter to Naqvi.
“The pattern of zealous, overly broad prosecution of people living with HIV in Ontario is the result of deliberate choices, both by individual prosecutors and (the Ministry of the Attorney General).”
Naqvi’s office said last week that he did meet with the working group last year, and that during the meeting, “the attorney general reiterated his commitment to work with the federal government as they review the way our justice system handles HIV-related cases.”
The discussion between advocacy groups and successive attorneys general in Ontario on non-disclosure prosecutions have been described as more or less one-sided, with very little progress being made on the government’s side.
Several years ago, the government did propose prosecutorial guidelines for non-disclosure cases, but the three outside experts allowed to read them — and who are also barred from discussing their contents — said they were so bad they told the ministry that no guidelines would be a better option.
“I don’t think it would be fair to say that we were consulted in the drafting of anything,” said Richard Elliott, executive director of the Canadian HIV/AIDS Legal Network, who was one of the three experts, along with Peck and criminal defence lawyer Jonathan Shime, to see the draft.
“We had repeatedly put forward our ideas about what we thought they should be about.”
Among those suggestions: an acknowledgement that an undetectable viral load alone means there is no realistic possibility of transmission, regardless of condom use.
What prosecutors do have access to is a so-called “practical guide” prepared in 2010 by Hamilton Crown attorney Karen Shea, who successfully prosecuted Johnson Aziga for first-degree murder, an infamous 2009 case in which two of the women infected with HIV by Aziga later died from AIDS. Aziga’s trial heard that he had known since 1996 that he was HIV-positive, but did not start taking medication until 2005, two years after his arrest.
Shea’s 72-page document, which the Ministry of the Attorney General fought for years to keep secret after receiving a freedom of information request from Toronto lawyer Marcus McCann, covers everything from the elements the Crown must prove to secure a conviction, to the kind of information that should be sought on an HIV-positive individual from public health officials.
McCann expressed concern that the guide could have a chilling effect on individuals seeking help from public health authorities, as the guide encourages Crowns to seek information on accused persons from public health to use in court.
Indeed, HIV test results and other information gleaned from public health have been put on the record in court by the Crown at bail hearings and trials in non-disclosure cases.
The provincial government has previously acknowledged that while it’s not an official policy or guideline, Shea’s guide has been used to assist other Crown attorneys, although it’s unclear which parts are still consulted given that the science and case law have evolved since 2010.
“Many roads lead to Karen Shea. I don’t think she’s the only destination, but she is clearly on the turnpike as one of those stops,” said Elliott at the Canadian HIV/AIDS Legal Network.
Shea declined to comment to the Star.
Crown attorneys take into account scientific developments and new case law when considering to prosecute a case, said a spokesperson for the Ministry of the Attorney General, who confirmed that the ministry’s criminal law division has a “group of experienced prosecutors who are available to provide advice on HIV exposure cases,” but didn’t say who is part of that group.
The last time the Supreme Court ruled on HIV non-disclosure, in a 2012 case known as R v. Mabior, it found that disclosure was not necessary if the individual had a low viral load and a condom was used.
But Chief Justice Beverley McLachlin, writing for a unanimous court, also said that the double requirement “does not preclude the common law from adapting to future advances in treatment and to circumstances where risk factors other than those considered in this case are at play.”
The meaning of that statement has played out in Canadian courtrooms since 2012, including in a recent Brantford non-disclosure case, where the Crown argued that Mabior requires low viral load andcondom use to avoid disclosure obligations, but the judge found otherwise.
The case involved a man, C.B., who has a low viral load but did not disclose to two women before having condomless sex. He was subsequently charged with two counts of aggravated sexual assault. Neither complainant was infected with HIV.
The trial took place in April, four months after Wilson-Raybould announced the federal government would target the over-criminalization of HIV non-disclosure.
Testifying for the defence, Dr. Philippe El-Helou, director of the HIV Clinic at McMaster University, said that in all of his years treating HIV patients, “he has not seen a transmission occur from a carrier who has an undetectable viral load,” Ontario Court Justice Robert Gee wrote in his decision.
The judge acquitted C.B. of all charges.
“The question becomes: Is condom use the only way to raise a reasonable doubt about the risk of transmission in a person with a low viral load or, if at the time Mabior was decided in 2012 it was the only way, has the science advanced to the point where it no longer is?” Gee wrote in a ruling released last month.
“The defence takes the position that the Supreme Court’s decision was not intended to establish an absolute and fixed rule that a low viral load and condom use was the only way to raise a reasonable doubt about the possibility of transmission.”
Gee sided with the defence, accepting El-Helou’s evidence that given C.B.’s undetectable viral load, “the risk of transmission in this case was as close to zero as can be measured.”
It is exactly the kind of case that advocates have long demanded be kept out of courtrooms in the first place, and why they hope sound prosecutorial guidelines would be of great help to Crown attorneys.
Chad Clarke has become an outspoken advocate since leaving prison in 2011, marching in the streets and speaking at numerous HIV/AIDS conferences. What he would most like to see is his name taken off the sex offenders’ registry.
He said he has post-traumatic stress disorder that goes “through the roof” every year when he has to sign in with police, one of the conditions of being on the registry. He lives on a fixed income, applying for jobs is difficult, and family relationships are strained.
“If you want to keep the charges against me, I’ll live with that, but take me off that damn sex offenders’ registry, because every day that I look at myself in the mirror, I see myself as a sex offender, and that’s not cool,” he said.
“I would like to personally see that instead of sticking this person in jail, you get them a point of care, you get them on medication right away, you get them mental health care, because trust me, mental health (issues) will go with you the rest of your life if you have HIV.”
How a group of dedicated advocates in Colorado ‘modernised’ their HIV-related laws to improve the legal environment for people living with HIV. Featuring Barb Cardell and Kari Hartel of the Colorado Mod Squad and Colorado State Senator, Pat Steadman.
Interviews by Mark S King
Written and introduced by Edwin J Bernard • Directed and produced by Nicholas Feustel for the HIV Justice Network
US: Radio interview with Catherine Hanssens, founder of the Center for HIV Law Policy, on the obsolescence of HIV criminalisation laws in the US
HIV Criminalization Laws Not Keeping Pace With Research, Treatment
In many states across the country, one can be charged with a felony for not disclosing their HIV status. However, recent studies show that, when individuals are properly treated, HIV transmissions from sexual encounters can range from zero to 1.56 percent. Why aren’t HIV criminalization laws in sync with the realities of HIV treatment and prevention? Catherine Hanssens, founder of the Center for HIV Law Policy, weighs in. This segment is hosted by Todd Zwillich.
HIV Crime Laws: Historical Relics Or Public Safety Measures?
Thirty-three states have laws that can be used to prosecute people living with HIV. Some states are looking to either repeal those laws or reduce their severity.
Robert Suttle clearly remembers telling his boyfriend that he was HIV positive the night they met. But after they split, three quarrel-filled months later, that became a point of contention: His “ex” pressed charges against him.
Suttle’s home state, Louisiana, is one of 33 states with laws that can be used to prosecute people living with HIV. And in Louisiana, intentionally exposing someone to HIV/AIDS is a felony punishable by up to 11 years in prison.
Because he wanted to put the whole ordeal behind him, Suttle accepted a plea bargain in 2009 and ended up doing 6 months in prison. He said he found out too late that pleading guilty meant registering as a sex offender wherever he goes.
Now some states are looking to either repeal such laws or reduce their severity. At issue is the balance between protecting public health and protecting the civil rights of individuals living with HIV.
The laws, which date to the 1980s and ’90s, vary greatly from state to state. Most impose criminal penalties on people who know their HIV status and potentially expose others to the virus. In some states, a conviction can mean up to 35 years in prison.
Twenty-four states require HIV-positive people to disclose their status to sexual partners, while six states require people to register as sex offenders as part of their punishment if they are convicted of an HIV-specific crime. In 22 states, felony laws, which cover assault and attempted murder for example, are used to prosecute people living with HIV who knowingly expose someone to the virus. And 25 states criminalize activities such as spitting, even though they are unlikely to transmit the virus.
Other states have statutes that tack on extra punishment based on the defendant’s HIV status. In Utah, for example, HIV-positive people convicted of prostitution, patronizing a prostitute, or solicitation are guilty of a felony, punishable by up to five years in prison, if they knew their status at the time of the crime. For an HIV-negative person, those same crimes would be a misdemeanor punishable by no more than six months in prison for a first-time offense.
Critics say the laws are relics of the past and demonize people infected with the virus. Some studies have shown that the laws don’t reduce HIV transmission and may actually drive up HIV rates, because people who feel stigmatized are less likely to get tested. A study published in June by researchers with the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention found no evidence that the laws reduce transmission of the virus.
“It’s very embarrassing and dehumanizing,” said Suttle, 38, who now lives in Harlem, New York, and works as an assistant director for the Sero Project, which advocates to end laws that criminalize people living with the virus.
In 1994, Texas became the first state to repeal its HIV criminal laws, according to the Center for HIV Law and Policy. But since then, people have been prosecuted for HIV exposure under general criminal laws such as attempted murder, which Catherine Hanssens, the center’s executive director, said illustrates why straight repeal of the laws is not enough. Texas courts have upheld that seminal fluid of a man living with HIV may constitute a deadly weapon.
In 2012, Illinois became the second state to revise its HIV crime laws, by requiring prosecutors to prove a defendant intended to transmit HIV and limiting prosecution to a more narrow definition of sexual activity. Iowa followed suit in 2014. Last year, Colorado enacted a law that repealed two HIV criminalization statutes and revised another by requiring that all sexually transmitted infections be treated equally under the law, rather than singling out HIV for prosecution.
California lawmakers are also considering a bill that would make it a misdemeanor to transmit HIV, rather than a felony. A similar HIV bill failed in Florida in May, but is expected to be re-introduced in the next session.
Also in May, the Ohio Supreme Court heard arguments in a case challenging the state’s criminal HIV law. The crux of the case: whether or not the law discriminates against people living with HIV, as well as whether requiring disclosure of one’s HIV status violates the First Amendment.
The push to reform HIV crime statutes “has become a national movement, and it’s part of the larger conversation about overcriminalizing people,” said Allison Nichol, law and policy counsel for the Sero Project.
“We need to take this out of the realm of someone committing a sex crime,” said Nichol, who used to prosecute sex crimes in Indianapolis. “These laws continue to feed a false narrative that people with HIV present a danger to public health, when in fact that is no longer true.”
But supporters of the laws argue they protect public health, and some states have moved in the opposite direction.
In May, Maryland Gov. Larry Hogan, a Republican, signed a law that, among other things, authorizes a judge to issue an emergency order to get someone tested for HIV if it’s believed that person has “caused exposure to a victim.” The law updates a previous one and is intended to treat rape victims who may have contracted HIV or hepatitis C. The same month, Tennessee enacted a law strengthening a statute requiring anyone who’s been arrested to be tested for HIV/AIDS if a law enforcement officer requests it.
“We’re talking about a criminal,” said Maggi Duncan, executive director of the Tennessee Association of Police Chiefs, who helped draft the legislation. “In the course of being arrested, they could have possibly exposed a first responder.”
The law was expanded to include all forms of hepatitis, which is on the rise in the state, Duncan said, “but HIV could easily become on the rise again with needle use, and that’s a real concern with heroin being on the upswing.”
Years of Activism
Activists have pushed for years to change the laws, with a focus on educating lawmakers and prosecutors about how HIV is transmitted. One key fact: An HIV-positive person whose viral load is undetectable has almost no chance of spreading the virus.
“More and more, there’s a realization that HIV criminalization laws have not kept up with science,” said Dan Kirk, a former prosecutor with the office of the Cook County State’s Attorney, which has jurisdiction over Chicago. Last year, then-Cook County State’s Attorney Anita Alvarez called for the law to be revised further.
Today, prosecutors in Illinois have to prove that an offender intended to transmit HIV. Defendants can assert a legal defense if a condom was used, but they cannot use being in treatment as a defense. This despite condoms being less effective — 80 percent — than anti-retroviral drug treatment — 95 percent — at reducing the risk of transmission, according to the CDC.
Under the measure pending in California, it would no longer be a felony to fail to disclose a positive HIV status. Instead it would be a misdemeanor on a par with failing to disclose any other transmitted disease. To be charged with a misdemeanor, the defendant must have known that he or she has a communicable disease and acted with the specific intent to infect another person, engaged in conduct that poses a substantial risk for transmission, and actually transmitted the disease to another person.
“We want people to get tested. We want people to get on medication. We want people to be honest about their HIV status,” said California state Sen. Scott Wiener, a Democrat who sponsored the legislation. “But you don’t accomplish those things by sending people to prison.”
Gray Area
Scattershot state reporting makes it difficult to say how many cases are prosecuted under the HIV transmission laws, according to Hanssens.
But it isn’t difficult to find individual examples. In June, for example, an HIV-positive Georgia man with mental health problems was charged with reckless conduct for allegedly spitting in the eye of a police officer.
In July, a 58-year-old South Carolina man was sentenced to 35 years in prison after he was found guilty of sexually assaulting a 5-year-old girl and potentially exposing her to HIV. Medical tests showed the child did not contract the virus. He was sentenced to 25 years for the rape and 10 years for the potential exposure.
Prosecuting — or defending — these cases can be difficult: How do you prove that someone has disclosed their HIV status? Often, as in the case of Suttle, it becomes a case of “he said, he said.”
A 2015 report by the Williams Institute at the UCLA School of Law found the overwhelming majority of people — 95 percent — charged with HIV crimes in California were sex workers. The report also found that nearly every charge resulted in a conviction; the average prison sentence was longer than two years. Two-thirds of people charged were black or Latino. White men accused of an HIV-related crime were significantly more likely to be released and not charged, the report found.
“This is really a public health issue,” said Scott Schoettes, an HIV project director at Lambda Legal who has worked on HIV legal policy for years.
“It shouldn’t be addressed by criminal law unless there’s malicious intent.”
Yesterday, news broke that populist Congressman, Pompeo de Mattos, has withdrawn an amendment originally proposed in 2015 to make ‘deliberate’ HIV transmission a ‘heinous crime’.
The amendment, Bill No. 198, 2015, would have added to the list of heinous crimes – which currently includes murder, extortion, rape, child exploitation and spreading an epidemic that results in death – those who “transmit and infect consciously and deliberately others with the AIDS virus. (sic)”.
In Brazil, intentional transmission, that is, with intent, is already considered a crime. Articles 130 and 131 of the Penal Code already provide for imprisonment for those who infect others. Anyone who exposes someone to a venereal disease through sexual intercourse can be jailed for three months to a year or receive a fine. If the person intentionally wants to transmit the disease, the penalty is imprisonment, from one to four years, and fine.
“The initiative to criminalize HIV-positive people does not contribute to the fight against prejudice and discrimination, and it also throws the responsibility of prevention on the infected person,” says a statement released on Thursday by Foaesp Of the State of São Paulo).
In this same document, the Forum thanked Mr Pompeo for his request to withdraw from the PL. “We are now waiting for the House Board to abide by the request and file the bill, and we will also be careful that no other parliamentarian has a similar initiative.”
Activists from all over Brazil have celebrated the Bill’s withdrawal. Any new proposal cannot be considered by the current parliament and now must wait until after elections, scheduled for October 2018.
Since 2015, PLHIV networks, civil society organisations, the Department of STDs, AIDS and Viral Hepatitis of the Ministry of Health, and a number UN agencies – includng UNAIDS and UNFPA – had all pressured Congress to withdraw the bill.
The director of the Department of STDs, AIDS and Viral Hepatitis (DIAHV), Adele Benzaken, called the federal MPs Érica Kokay (PT-DF), member of the Family Social Security Commission (CCSF) and Coordinator of the Joint Parliamentary Front to Combat STDs, HIV , and AIDS – and Laura Carneiro (PMDB-RJ) and Deputy Pompeo de Mattos to thank them for their support against the procedure of PL 198/15. ““The effort of these parliamentarians was essential to educate their colleagues in the House to reassess that Brazil is a reference in the treatment of HIV / AIDS and that this will not help the Brazilian response at all.“ The director of DIAHV also highlighted the mobilisation made by civil society and the support of the Brazilian Office of the Joint United Nations Program on HIV / AIDS (UNAIDS) that she said were key to the outcome achieved with the filing request.
For the UNFPA representative in Brazil, Jaime Nadal, the bill goes against the ideals and proposals of the United Nations regarding the HIV / AIDS epidemic. Criminalizing HIV transmission, in addition to reinforcing the stigmatization of people living with the virus, may discourage people from undergoing testing and treatment, since they would be under threat of becoming criminals, he said.The bill ignores the scientific advances in HIV / AIDS, which prove that antiretroviral treatments reduce the chances of transmitting the virus in sexual intercourse by up to 96%. “Many countries around the world are reforming their laws criminalising HIV transmission,” said Nadal, adding that the bill goes against the global trend.
UNAIDS Director in Brazil, Georgiana Braga-Orillard, reinforced the speech of the UNFPA representative. According to her, the bill further vulnerabilises populations with a positive serological status, since “it considers the more than 800 thousand people living with HIV in Brazil as potential criminals.”
In a technical note, UNAIDS outlined six counter-arguments to the bill: it penalizes the most vulnerable; it promotes fear and discrimination; it favours the selective application of the law; it disregards the scientific evidence on HIV; it compromises privacy and confidentiality, and it will make Brazil lose its leading role in the response to HIV / AIDS.
A public meeting with the Congressman, scheduled for July 4th, was cancelled at the last minute. However, the letter of withdrawal, although only publicly released yesterday, was dated May 11th.
Translation: I request you, pursuant to art. 104 of the Internal Rules of the Chamber of Deputies, the withdrawal of the Bill of Law No. 198 of 2015, which “makes a heinous crime the deliberate transmission of the AIDS virus.”
Nevertheless, prosecutions under general laws continue.
In July, a newspaper reported that a 43 year-old heterosexual man was charged with serious bodily injury in a Rio de Janeiro court for ‘attempting to infect two women with HIV’ by having sex without a condom.
In an interview with the Rio newspaper Extra , the man admitted that he was HIV-positive and [allegedly] transmitted HIV to the women, but denied that he had had sex without a condom with the intention of infecting his partners.
The case continues.
US: Center for HIV Law and Policy releases updated ‘HIV Criminalization Sourcebook’
Today, the Center for HIV Law and Policy (CHLP) has released a third, updated version of their ‘Ending and Defending Against HIV Criminalization: State and Federal Laws and Prosecutions’ series, first published in 2010.
This resource for lawyers and community advocates outlines punitive laws, policies, and cases affecting people living with HIV (PLHIV) and other communicable diseases in all fifty states, the military, federal prisons, and U.S. territories. It may be used as an aid for attorneys of people living with HIV prosecuted for “HIV exposure” or non-disclosure of HIV status, as well as for advocates who want to reform HIV-related criminal laws in their state.
The ‘HIV Criminalization Sourcebook’ catalogues and analyses state and federal HIV criminal laws in the United States, providing examples of recent prosecutions and explanations of the major cases applying these laws, along with text and analysis of state laws on other sexually transmitted diseases that involve criminal penalties or other restrictions for exposing another person to possible infection.
Specifically, it covers laws that:
1. criminalize non-disclosure of HIV status or exposure of a third party to HIV;
2. make exceptions to confidentiality and privacy rights of people living with HIV;
3. provide for sentence enhancements for people living with HIV convicted of underlying crimes such as ‘prostitution’ and ‘solicitation’; and
4. require sex offender registration for people living with HIV convicted of these ‘crimes’.
The Sourcebook is part of CHLP’s campaign to support state advocates through tools that expand legal literacy on HIV criminalization. In addition to the Sourcebook, CHLP’s website includes a separate page for each state summarizing relevant HIV and STI criminal law sections, so that users can download everything they need just for their state in addition to accessing the entire Sourcebook.
The Center for HIV Law and Policy will be co-hosting a webinar on October 11, 2017 to review ways to use the Sourcebook in HIV criminal reform efforts. The webinar also will explore some of the different strategic pathways to reform, along with benefits and drawbacks to those different options. The discussion will cover some of the key factors and questions to consider in deciding on what reform strategy makes the most sense in a given jurisdiction.
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