Sweden: Campaign to change draconian, punitive policies for PLHIV aiming for Government review

In Sweden, the Communicable Diseases Act requires people with diagnosed HIV to disclose in any situation where someone might be placed at risk and to also practise safer sex (which, in Sweden, means using condoms – the impact of treatment on viral load and infectiousness is not yet considered to be part of the safer sex armamentarium.)

But in Sweden you’re damned if you do (disclose) and damned if you don’t because Sweden is one of several countries in western Europe – including Austria, Finland, Norway, and Switzerland – where people with HIV can be (and are) prosecuted for having consensual unprotected sex even when there was prior disclosure of HIV-positive status and agreement of the risk by the HIV-negative partner. Sweden uses the general criminal law for these prosecutions of which there have been at least 40 – out of an HIV population of around 5,000.

And if you think the Swedes aren’t being overly harsh, then watch the harrowing documentary, ‘How Could She?’ about a young woman, Lillemore, who was in such denial that she did not tell anyone that she was HIV-positive (including the doctors who delivered her two children). Even though both children were born HIV-free, and no-one was harmed by her non-disclosure, following the break-up of her marriage, her ex-husband reported her to the authorities and she was sentenced to 2 1/2 years in prison.

Fortunately, most of these countries with overly-draconian policies towards people with HIV are well advanced in the process of examining (and hopefully, changing for the better) such laws and policies.

Norway has set up a special committee to examine whether its current law should be rewritten or abolished: its recommendations are due in May.

Switzerland is currently revising its Law on Epidemics, to be enacted later this year, and, according to my sources, the latest version appears to be mostly consistent with UNAIDS’ recommendations.

In 2010, Austria’s Ministry of Justice conceded that an undetectable viral load is considered a valid defence, even if they say individual judges can ignore their recommendation, although much more could still be done to remove the legal onus for HIV prevention on people with HIV.

And Finland has established an expert group on HIV/AIDS within the Finnish National Institute for Health and Welfare with the aim to ensure legislative reform, and address laws and polices that reinforce stigma and discrimination.

But Sweden – which has the most HIV-related prosecutions per capita of people with HIV in Europe (and probably the world) and that’s not including the 100+ more people with HIV who have been forcibly detained and isolated under the Communicable Diseases Act – is lagging behind, and continues to enforce its ‘human rights-unfriendly’ policies.

Fortunately, civil society is fighting back. In 2010, HIV-Sweden, RFSU (the Swedish Association for Sexuality Education) and RFSL (the Swedish Federation for Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Transgender Rights) began a three-year campaign to raise awareness and advocate against Sweden’s over-punitive HIV-related policies.

A recent conference held just before World AIDS Day put together by the campaign and attended by police, prosecutors and politicians highlighted the many human rights concerns over Sweden’s current laws and policies. I was honoured to be one of only two non-Swedes to speak at the meeting (which was held mainly in Swedish – so a big thank you to Elizabeth, my personal “whisper” translator) – you can see the agenda and download a copy of my presentation here.

Download Google translated version of full article here

The meeting and associated campaign received a lot of press coverage, including the front page of the biggest circulation morning paper in Sweden on World AIDS Day.

Download ‘HIV, Crime and Punishment’

At the meeting, HIV Sweden, RFSL and RFSU launched an important new manifesto, ‘HIV, Crime and Punishment‘ that clearly explains what the problems are for people with HIV (and public health) in Sweden and asks for three actions from the Swedish Government:

  • A review of Swedish law, including the Communicable Disease Act as well as the application of the criminal law to HIV non-disclosure, exposure and transmission.
  • An endorsement by Sweden of the 2008 UNAIDS Policy Brief on the criminalisation of HIV transmission, which says that criminal prosecutions should be limited to unusually egregious cases where someone acted with malicious intent to transmit HIV, and succeeded in doing so.
  • A renewed, clear focus of Sweden’s National HIV Policy on a human rights-based approach to HIV prevention, care, support and treatment, and sex education. 

Let’s hope that Sweden’s policymakers take heed. After all, how can a country which supports UNAIDS’ global efforts, and is perceived to be a global champion for human rights around the world treat people with HIV in its own country as second class citizens?

Don’t think Sweden is that bad?  Check out the 2005 case of Enhorn v  Sweden at the European Court of Human Rights which found that Sweden had unlawfully isolated a man with HIV for a total of seven years, a violation of Article 5 § 1 of the Convention, ‘right to liberty and security of person’.

‘HIV is not a crime’ by Sean Strub

Regular readers may be familiar with the case of Nick Rhoades from Iowa, who was arrested, prosecuted and sentenced to 25 years in prison because he didn’t disclose he was HIV-positive during a one-night stand with another man, despite using condoms and having an undetectable viral load.  Following intervention from human rights groups and HIV advocates, Nick’s 25 year sentence was eventually suspended, but he remains on parole and on the sex offenders list.

Nick is one of three courageous individuals who appear in the trailer for POZ Magazine founder, Sean Strub’s, ongoing documentary project ‘HIV is not a crime‘. Sean’s film will shed light on laws and prosecutions which treat people living with HIV as second-class citizens (Sean’s term is “viral underclass”) and which are informed by stigma, not science.

Sean and I share a common understanding that, especially in the United States, but not exclusively so, HIV criminalisation is having a serious negative impact on both human rights and public health. The high number of cases in the United States is primarily because many states are still enforcing outdated HIV-specific laws many of which were drafted earlier in the AIDS epidemic when HIV-related life expectancy was poor.  Reflecting moral panic and poor understanding of HIV transmission risks, their impact is still very much felt today, as Sean’s film will show.

Sean’s documentary project could not have come at a more crucial moment, as efforts are underway on a federal level in the United States (and also on a state level including in Iowa) to modernise (or, ideally, totally repeal) these draconian laws. By focusing on the impact these laws have had on people who are often erroneously characterised by such laws – and the media – as vectors of the HIV epidemic, and even sometimes as “monsters”, and showing their vulnerability and humanity, Sean’s film should help explain in very personal and human terms why these laws are wrong and why they should be repealed.

Sean is looking for funding to complete the documentary (funders, please note!) and he also tells me in an email

I’m looking for additional people to interview, including those who have been prosecuted or are facing prosecution, as well as accusers, people who filed charges or considered filed charges and others.  To date I have only interviewed Americans, but I am looking for people with criminalization experiences in other countries as well.

Next week, Sean and I (along with Nick and fellow documentary interviewee, Robert Suttle) will be attending the UNAIDS Programme Coordinating Board’s thematic on HIV and enabling legal environments in Geneva and then will be briefly in London on Friday 16th.  If you have a story to tell and will be in Geneva or London next week (or indeed if you are living anywhere else in the world, bearing in mind that Sean is based in the United States) please contact Sean or leave a comment below (I moderate all comments before they are published and so this is simply a way to get in touch with me – I will forward messages to Sean).

Punitive Economies: The Criminalization of HIV Transmission and Exposure in Europe

Last week, Professor Matthew Weait presented this excellent paper at The Future of European Prevention Among MSM Conference (FEMP 2011) in Stockholm, Sweden.

I’ll also quote from the introduction here, but the entire paper is a must-read, and can be dowloaded here.

The European region is suffering from an epidemic of criminalization. Across the continent, people living with HIV are being investigated, prosecuted, convicted and imprisoned for non-deliberate HIV exposure and transmission. It is an epidemic that is causing significant harm: not only directly – to the people who are being subjected to harsh and punitive responses – but indirectly, to efforts aimed at normalizing HIV and reducing stigma, to HIV prevention work, and to attempts to affirm the importance of shared responsibility for sexual health. It is an epidemic whose impact is felt especially by people who already experience particular social and economic exclusion and vulnerability. It is an epidemic that has created, based on UNAIDS HIV prevalence estimates for 2009, some 2.2 million potential criminals in Western and Central Europe. It is an epidemic that we have to respond to collectively, and which for we have to find a cure.

In this paper I will do three things. First, I will provide an overview of the scope, extent and distribution of criminalization in the region, and in doing so to emphasise the disparities that exist and the problematic consequences of these disparities for PLHIV. Second, I will discuss what I understand to be the reasons for criminalization, and its variation across countries. Third, and bearing in mind these reasons and variations, I will discuss some of the responses which civil society organisations and others have been making to criminalization, and at additional interventions we might consider exploring and developing.

The paper is especially timely given important developments in Switzerland and the Nordic countries, where law reform is ongoing in Denmark, Norway and Switzerland, and civil society advocacy moving towards law reform is taking place in Finland and Sweden.

One of the most interesting aspects of Prof. Weait’s paper is that he finds a correlation between attitudes towards interpersonal trust and the high per capita conviction rates in the five countries mentioned above, which helps explain why the criminal law’s approach to HIV in these countries focuses on public health rather than human rights.

These correlations between interpersonal trust and conviction rates in the region become even more interesting when we learn that, according to reliable empirical research, the Scandinavian countries have a lower fear of crime, are less punitive in their attitudes to those who commit crime, and – in general – have lower rates of imprisonment for convicted offenders than other countries. If this is the case, why would HIV transmission and exposure criminalization be so high?

My answer to this is tentative, but it seems plausible to suggest that the sexual HIV cases that get as far as court and a conviction are ones which are paradigm examples of breach of trust. It is not inconsistent for a society to have a lower than average generalised fear of crime, or lower than average punitive attitudes, and at the same time to respond punitively to specific experiences of harm, especially when that arises from a belief that the person behaving harmfully could have behaved otherwise and chose not to. Indeed, it seems entirely plausible that where there are high expectations of trust, breaches of trust (for example, non-disclosure of HIV status) are treated as more significant than where value in trust is low. Combine this with countries (such as those in Scandinavia) which are committed to using law to ensure public health, and which consequently are prepared to using it to respond to the risk of harm (HIV exposure), as well as harm itself (HIV transmission), and we can see why the pattern of criminalization appears to be as it is.

Global Commission on HIV and the Law: High Income Country Dialogue (UNDP, 2011)

The Global Commission on HIV and the Law held a High Income Countries Dialogue on 17 September 2011 in Oakland, California.

A total of 65 participants from 15 countries discussed and debated region-wide experiences of enabling and restrictive legal and social environments faced by people living with HIV, other key populations and those affected by HIV in high income countries.

Since high income countries have accounted for the vast majority of criminal prosecutions relating to HIV non-disclosure, exposure or transmission, this video focuses on the part of the dialogue that heard testimony from policymakers, community advocates and experts from the Global Commission specifically on this issue.

The Regional Dialogue, hosted by the Global Commission on HIV and the Law, was jointly organized by UNDP, on behalf of the UNAIDS family, and the University of California, Berkeley Law, The Miller Institute for Global Challenges and the Law.

 

UNAIDS announces new project examining “best available scientific evidence to inform the criminal law”

A new project announced yesterday by UNAIDS will “further investigate current scientific, medical, legal and human rights aspects of the criminalization of HIV transmission. This project aims to ensure that the application, if any, of criminal law to HIV transmission or exposure is appropriately circumscribed by the latest and most relevant scientific evidence and legal principles so as to guarantee justice and protection of public health.”

I’m honoured to be working as a consultant on this project, and although I can’t currently reveal any more details than in the UNAIDS article (full text below), suffice to say it is hoped that this project will make a huge difference to the way that lawmakers, law enforcement and the criminal courts treat people with HIV accused of non-disclosure, alleged exposure and non-intentional transmission.

The UNAIDS article begins by noting some positive developments previously highlighted on my blog, including Denmark’s suspension of its HIV-specific law.  It’s not too late to sign on to the civil society letter asking the Danish Government to not to simply rework the law, but to abolish it altogether by avoiding singling out HIV. So far, well over 100 NGOs from around the world have signed the letter.

The article also mentions recent developments in Norway. In fact, the UNAIDS project is funded by the Government of Norway, which has set up its own independent commission to inform the ongoing revision of Section 155 of the Penal Code, which criminalises the wilful or negligent infection or exposure to communicable disease that is hazardous to public health—a law that has only been used to prosecute people who are alleged to have exposed others, to, and/or transmitted, HIV.  It will present its findings by October 2012.

As well as highlighting some very positive recent developments in the United States – the National AIDS Strategy’s calls for HIV-specific criminal statutes that “are consistent with current knowledge of HIV transmission and support public health approaches” and the recent endorsement of these calls by the National Alliance of State and Territorial AIDS Directors (NASTAD) – it also focuses on three countries in Africa.

Positive developments have also been reported in Africa. In the past year, at least three countries—Guinea, Togo and Senegal—have revised their existing HIV-related legislation or adopted new legislation that restrict the use of the criminal law to exceptional cases of intentional transmission of HIV.

I’d like to add a few more countries to the “positive development” list.

Canada
Last September, I spoke at two meetings, in Ottawa and Toronto, that officially launched the Ontario Working Group on Criminal Law and HIV Exposure’s Campaign for Prosecutorial Guidelines for HIV Non-disclosure.

The Campaign’s rationale is as follows

We believe that the use of criminal law in cases of HIV non-disclosure must be compatible with broader scientific, medical, public health, and community efforts to prevent the spread of HIV and to provide care treatment and support to people living with HIV. While criminal prosecutions may be warranted in some circumstances, we view the current expansive use of criminal law with concern.

We therefore call on Ontario’s Attorney General to immediately undertake a process to develop guidelines for criminal prosecutors in cases involving allegations of non-disclosure of HIV status.

Guidelines are needed to ensure that HIV-related criminal complaints are handled in a fair and non-discriminatory manner. The guidelines must ensure that decisions to investigate and prosecute such cases are informed by a complete and accurate understanding of current medical and scientific research about HIV and take into account the social contexts of living with HIV.

We call on Ontario’s Attorney General to ensure that people living with HIV, communities affected by HIV, legal, public health and scientific experts, health care providers, and AIDS service organizations are meaningfully involved in the process to develop such guidelines.

Last month, Xtra.ca reported that

The office of the attorney general confirms it is drafting guidelines for cases of HIV-positive people who have sex without disclosing their status.

This is a major breakthrough, but the campaign still needs your support. Sign their petition here.

By the way, video of the Toronto meeting, ‘Limiting the Law: Silence, Sex and Science’, is now online.

Australia
Also last month, the Australian Federation of AIDS Organisations (AFAO) produced an excellent discussion paper/advocacy kit, ‘HIV, Crime and the Law in Australia: Options for Policy Reform‘.

As well as providing an extensive and detailed overview regarding the current (and past) use of criminal and public health laws in its eight states and territories, it also provides the latest data on number, scope and demographics of prosecutions in Australia.

There have been 31 prosecutions related to HIV exposure or transmission in Australia over almost twenty years. Of those, a number have been dropped pre-trial, and in four cases the accused has pleaded guilty. All those charged were male, except for one of two sex workers (against whom charges were dropped pretrial in 1991). In cases where the gender of the victim(s) is/are known, 16 have involved the accused having sex with female persons (one of those cases involves assault against minors) and 10 involved the accused having sex with men. This suggests that heterosexual men, who constitute only about 15% of people diagnosed with HIV, are over-represented among the small number of people charged with offences relating to HIV transmission. Further, men of African origin are over-represented among those prosecuted (7 of 30), given the small size of the African-Australian community.

It then systematically examines, in great detail, the impact of such prosections in Australia.

These include:

  1. HIV-related prosecutions negate public health mutual responsibility messages
  2. HIV-related prosecutions fail to fully consider the intersection of risk and harm
  3. HIV-related prosecutions ignore the reality that failure to disclose HIVstatus is not extraordinary
  4. HIV-related prosecutions reduce trust in healthcare practitioners
  5. HIV-related prosecutions increase stigma against people living with HIV
  6. HIV-related prosecutions are unacceptably arbitrary
  7. HIV-related prosecutions do not decrease HIV transmission risks
  8. HIV-related prosecutions that result in custodial sentences increase the population of HIV-positive people in custodial settings

It notes, however, that

There is a narrow category of circumstances in which prosecutions may be warranted, involving deliberate and malicious conduct, where a person with knowledge of their HIVstatus engages in deceptive conduct that leads to HIV being transmitted to a sexual partner. A strong, cohesive HIV response need not preclude HIV-related prosecutions per se. Further work is required by those working in the areas of HIV and of criminal law:

  • To consider what circumstances of HIV transmission should be defined as criminal;
  • To define what measures need to be put in place to ensure that prosecutions are a last resort option and that public health management options have been considered; and
  • To ensure those understandings are part of an ongoing dialogue that informs the development of an appropriate criminal law and public health response.

 That’s exactly the kind of policy outcome that UNAIDS is hoping for.

In the meantime, AFAO suggests some possible strategies towards policy reform. Their recommendations make an excellent advocacy roadmap for anyone working to end the inappropriate use of the criminal law.

Their suggestions include:

  • Enable detailed discussion and policy development
  • Develop mechanisms to learn more about individual cases
  • Prioritise research on the intersection of public health and criminal law mechanism, including addressing over-representation of African-born accused

  • Work with police, justice agencies, state-based agencies and public health officials
  • Improve judges’ understanding of HIV and work with expert witnesses
  • Work with correctional authorities
  • Work with media

I truly hope that the recent gains by advocates in Australia, Canada, Denmark, Guinea, Norway, Togo, Senegal and the United States is the beginning of the end of the overly broad use of the criminal law to inappropriately regulate, control, criminalise and stigmatise people with HIV in the name of justice or public health.

The full UNAIDS article is below.  I’ll update you on the project’s progress just as soon as I can.

Countries questioning laws that criminalize HIV transmission and exposure

26 April 2011

On 17 February 2011, Denmark’s Minister of Justice announced the suspension of Article 252 of the Danish Criminal Code. This law is reportedly the only HIV-specific criminal law provision in Western Europe and has been used to prosecute some 18 individuals.

A working group has been established by the Danish government to consider whether the law should be revised or abolished based on the best available scientific evidence relating to HIV and its transmission.

This development in Denmark is not an exception. Last year, a similar official committee was created in Norway to inform the ongoing revision of Section 155 of the Penal Code, which criminalises the wilful or negligent infection or exposure to communicable disease that is hazardous to public health—a law that has only been used to prosecute people transmitting HIV.

In the United States, the country with the highest total number of reported prosecutions for HIV transmission or exposure, the National AIDS Strategy adopted in July 2010 also raised concerns about HIV-specific laws that criminalize HIV transmission or exposure. Some 34 states and 2 territories in the US have such laws. They have resulted in high prison sentences for HIV-positive people being convicted of “exposing” someone to HIV after spitting on or biting them, two forms of behaviour that carry virtually no risk of transmission.

In February 2011, the National Alliance of State and Territorial AIDS Directors (NASTAD), the organization representing public health officials that administer state and territorial HIV programmes, expressed concerns about the “corrosive impact” of overly-broad laws criminalizing HIV transmission and exposure. The AIDS Directors called for the repeal of laws that are not “grounded in public health science” as such laws discourage people from getting tested for HIV and accessing treatment.

Positive developments have also been reported in Africa. In the past year, at least three countries—Guinea, Togo and Senegal—have revised their existing HIV-related legislation or adopted new legislation that restrict the use of the criminal law to exceptional cases of intentional transmission of HIV.

Best available scientific evidence to inform the criminal law

These developments indicate that governments are also calling for a better understanding of risk, harm and proof in relation to HIV transmission, particularly in light of scientific and medical evidence that the infectiousness of people receiving anti-retroviral treatment can be significantly reduced.

To assist countries in the just application of criminal law in the context of HIV, UNAIDS has initiated a project to further investigate current scientific, medical, legal and human rights aspects of the criminalization of HIV transmission. This project aims to ensure that the application, if any, of criminal law to HIV transmission or exposure is appropriately circumscribed by the latest and most relevant scientific evidence and legal principles so as to guarantee justice and protection of public health. The project, with support from the Government of Norway, will focus on high income countries where the highest number of prosecutions for HIV infection or exposure has been reported.

The initiative will consist of two expert meetings to review scientific, medical, legal and human rights issues related to the criminalization of HIV transmission or exposure. An international consultation on the criminalization of HIV transmission and exposure in high income countries will also be organized.

The project will further elaborate on the principles set forth in the Policy brief on the criminalization of HIV transmission issued by UNAIDS and UNDP in 2008. Its findings will be submitted to the UNDP-led Global Commission on HIV and the Law, which was launched by UNDP and UNAIDS in June 2010.

As with any law reform related to HIV, UNAIDS urges governments to engage in reform initiatives which ensure the involvement of all those affected by such laws, including people living with HIV.

Limiting the Law: Silence, Sex and Science (Canadian HIV/AIDS Legal Network, 2010)

A community forum on the criminalization of HIV in Canada
Thursday, September 30, 2010
Toronto, Ontario

Presentations by:
Edwin J. Bernard, British HIV-positive writer, editor and activist; editor, HIV and the Criminal Law and “Criminal HIV Transmission” blog
Richard Elliott, Executive Director, Canadian HIV/AIDS Legal Network
Eric Mykhalovskiy, Associate Professor, York University, Department of Sociology
Tim McCaskell, The Ontario Working Group on Criminal Law and HIV Exposure
Rai Reese, Women’s Prisons Program Coordinator, Prisoners’ HIV/AIDS Support Action Network

US: Positive Justice Project launches, aims to remove HIV-specific laws

Press Release: HIV Advocacy Group Launches Positive Justice Project To Fight Stigma and Discrimination by Repealing HIV-specific Criminal Statutes

The Positive Justice Project, a campaign of the Center for HIV Law and Policy, was launched this week to combat HIV-related stigma and discrimination against people with HIV by the criminal justice system. A day-long organising meeting, held September 21st in New York, included more than 40 participants from legal, government, grant-making and community service organisations.

The focus of the Positive Justice Project is the repeal of “HIV criminalisation” statutes — laws that create HIV-specific crimes or which increase penalties for persons who are HIV-positive and convicted of criminal offences.

The Positive Justice Project is the first coordinated national effort in the United States to address these laws, and the first multi-organizational and cross-disciplinary effort to do so. HIV criminalisation has often resulted in gross human rights violations, including harsh sentencing for behaviors that pose little or no risk of HIV transmission, including:

  • A man with HIV in Texas who is now serving 35 years for spitting at a police officer;
  • A man with HIV in Iowa, who had an undetectable viral load, was sentenced to 25 years after a one-time sexual encounter during which he used a condom;
  • A woman with HIV in Georgia, who was sentenced to eight years imprisonment for failing to disclose her viral status, despite it having been published on the front page of the local newspaper and two witnesses who testified her sexual partner was aware of her HIV-positive status;
  • And a man with HIV in Michigan who was charged under the state’s anti-terrorism statute with possession of a “biological weapon,” after an altercation with a neighbour.

In none of the cases cited was HIV transmitted. Actual HIV transmission—or even the intent to infect—is rarely a factor in HIV criminalisation cases.

Instead, most prosecutions are not for HIV transmission, but for the failure to disclose one’s HIV status prior to intimate contact, which in most cases comes down to competing claims about verbal consent that are nearly impossible to prove. Anti-criminalisation advocates support prosecution only in cases where the intent to harm can be proven.

HIV criminalisation undercuts the most basic HIV prevention and sexual health message, which is that each person must be responsible for his or her own sexual choices and health. Criminalisation implies a disproportionate responsibility, providing an illusion of safety to the person who is HIV-negative or who does not know his or her HIV status.

As a result, ignorance of one’s HIV status is the best defence against prosecution in these cases, ultimately providing a disincentive to testing and self-awareness. Only by getting an HIV test and knowing one’s HIV status is one subject to arrest and prosecution. This flies in the face of established evidence that it is those who are untested – i.e., those who are safe from prosecution – who most frequently transmit HIV.

Research has demonstrated that HIV criminalisation statutes do nothing to reduce HIV transmission and, in fact, because they further stigmatise already-marginalised populations and discourage HIV testing, they may contribute to further HIV transmission.

The Center for HIV Law and Policy also this week released a draft of the first detailed analysis of HIV-specific laws and prosecutions in all 50 states, U.S. territories and the military. With more than 400 prosecutions to date, the U.S. has had more HIV-specific criminal cases than any other nation on earth.

According to the Positive Justice Project organisers, the challenge of repealing laws that punish people on the basis of their HIV status cannot be met without:

  • Broader public understanding of the stigmatising impact and negative public health consequences of criminalisation statutes and prosecutions that are perpetrated under their guise;
  • Greater community consensus on the appropriate use of criminal and civil law in the context of the HIV epidemic;
  • Clear, unequivocal leadership and statements from federal, state and local public health officials on the causes and relative risks of HIV transmission and the dangers of a punitive response to HIV exposure and the epidemic;
  • And a broader and more effective community-level response to the ongoing problem of HIV-related arrests and prosecutions.

“Misperceptions about the routes and risks of HIV transmission continue to fuel fear and myths about people with HIV that leads to lower acceptance of HIV testing and greater stigma and discrimination. Nearly 30 years into the epidemic, people still fear contact with people with HIV, working with them or allowing them near their children,” said Catherine Hanssens, the founder and executive director of the Center for HIV Law and Policy.

“HIV-specific laws have created a viral underclass. There is no more extreme manifestation of stigma than when it is enshrined in the law,” said Sean Strub, who has lived with HIV for more than 30 years. Strub is a senior advisor with the Center for HIV Law and Policy and joined in launching the Positive Justice Project.

Vanessa Johnson, a Positive Justice Project planning committee member and Executive Vice President of the National Association of People with AIDS, said, “When the government uses the fact of a person’s HIV test and subsequent result to turn around and encourage prosecution of that person for behavior that otherwise is legal for people who are untested, it engages in dangerously confusing double-speak that undermines the very HIV testing and prevention goals it claims to prioritize.”